“Supposing I had died, would the commonwealth have died with me, would the sovereignty of Rome have shared my fate? No, Jupiter Optimus Maximus would never have allowed a City built for eternity, built under the auspices and sanction of the gods, to be as short-lived as this fragile mortal body of mine. ”
specimen showing deity on top of temple most clearly, cf. this specimen specimen show railing most clearlyCataloger for this specimen sees Athena on the roof and Nemesis right. Similar specimen similar label. Why? because of the Athena Tholos at Delphi perhaps?This type by same magistrate suggests the strong Fannius temple connection. Notice not only same name but same symbol (flutes?) in the right field.Entrance to a shrine with a tholos on a podium, with a statue of Venus Anadiomena. Roman fresco depicting the entrance to a shrine with a tholos on a podium, with a statue of Venus Anadiomena (Venus coming out of the water) to which two women bring offerings of flowers. On both sides, fishes and partridges and, at the top, a theatrical mask and another of a satyr. Cubiculum. North wall. Pompeian House VI. 1st century BC. National Archaeological Museum, Naples, Italy. (Photo by: PHAS/Universal Images Group via Getty Images)Public domain imageMet imageNotice statue on top.
“E. Rawson, Historia 1977, suggests very plausibly that the head of Diana is to be connected with Sulla’s recent victory over Norbanus on mount Tifata outside Capua, which he celebrated by giving generous grants to the famous temple of Diana Tifatina.” – Crawford in his Edinburgh catalogue quoted by McCabe.
I am very struck by this interpretation and also think it plausible.
I never realized I had an opinion on this or that the opinion would be controversial. But the identity of the figures in this scene from the Basilica Aemilia (other than Tarpeia obv.) are disputed. I lean pretty strongly to seeing the far left figure as Mars in a “this is what happens when you F*** with my city” attitude. Maybe at a stretch I could be Romulus but I don’t think so. Figure reads divine.
Because I’m reading Ulrich’s book on Roman Woodworking I’m a little obsessed with representations these day. Bear with me, it might wear off. Or not. I like tools.
Anyway other than general awesomeness this mosaic caught my eye because of the log splitting frame saw at the very bottom. It reminded me of the log splitter in this relief.
Perhaps the bar on top is to allow a single worker to operate the saw or to act as a guide to keep it straight or both?
And What I “saw” was a face with an Pharonic style snake-y crown. This sort of thing.
And I thought wow that’s interesting, so of course I went to see other specimens. BUT first here’s the whole coin in trade:
These other dies make it really clear that an aegis not something Egyptianizing is intended but I still like that little face on the shoulder in profile, a very nice representation of the aegis.
A group of colleagues read a piece of mine coming out in RBN 2020 and asked why I hadn’t given more data on Frequency. A really fair criticism as the Esty model I use relies heavily on assumptions about the shape of coin data. So I’m playing around with how to display that data this afternoon. Here’s our old favorite Crepusius (n = 3366; d = 437):
Here’s how he looked back in 1997 and 2011 when used by Esty:
But wait what’s going on!? Clearly our data sets don’t match. Esty is drawing on counts that I don’t (yet) have access to that were provided privately by Buttrey to Esty and never published! So somewhere out there are unpublished notes of Buttrey on observed specimens that would need to be reconciled with RRDP to get more accurate counts… That’s a pain.
Okay moving on to other issues I”ll be back with more frequencies momentarily.
Shortly there will be better photos of this coin more widely available after the release of the Witschonke collection images for the ANS. The obverse and the type of token is well summarized in a blog post by Clare Rowanwith references to further scholarship by Carbone, Stannard and others.
CNG listed the Reverse as a “Harrow (or miner’s axe?)”; The ANS presently has it as “Plow?” and another senior scholar assured me it was an axe. I’m not convinced.
I’ve been reading Ulrich’s Roman Woodworking and I think this tool is a far better fit with representations of the adze.
The adze is a planing type tool. This is an amazing discussion and collection of images. All the comparative images below are taken form this website. The thing to notice about the adze is how the handle curves towards the blade. Axe handles are typically straighter and longer.
Adze found on Abydos
The objection to it being an adze rather than an axe is that the blade on the coin is than angle of the cutting blade to the handle. This is explained by Roman perspective and is seen in other representations of the adze. On the below tomb the wide blade is represented with the two handled grip, the artist has chosen to emphasize width over true profile. The photographer above has achieved the same effect by viewing angle.
Grave stele of P. Ferrarius Hermes from Pisa (Matthäus, 1984, Fig. 15)
The adze in operation is represented on the Telephos Frieze from the interior of the Great Altar of Zeus at Pergamon:
[Highlighting added to adze] Boatbuilders on the Telephos frieze from the Pergamon altar (Schwarzmaier, Scholl, and Maischberger, 2012, Fig. 180.24)Updated later same day
Ulrich was kind enough to write back and confirm in his opinion that it is most certainly an adze. He mentioned the representation under Icarus’ work bench on the Vettius fresco as another perspective drawing of a Roman adze.
Thinking more about the Telephos frieze … I got wondering if the Adze might be symbolic of boat builders generally. Perhaps!
Egyptian boat building scene 7th century BCE (Brooklyn Museum)
Adze and boat building further example (added 8.4.20):