The Man who Raised Me

I got the text late on Sunday night. I told myself not to think of it and just sleep.

I said the words aloud on Monday, but only the anger at the means of letting me know and the timing. Is there ever a good way? A good time?

I threw myself into my novels to escape.

I read the obituary. I raged at the erasure, the inaccuracies.

I stuffed my feelings down.

I slept and slept. rinse, repeat.

My head still aches. But not like my heart.

This morning I was filling out a permission slip for a field trip and my kid was tell me how much they didn’t want to go. The tears started. My beloved said, ‘parenting is hard.’ Thinking it was the conflict. All I could say was “no, it was that Sunday night text.”

I told myself there was no point in writing. It was a complicated, but ordinary life. My grief is my own and no one else’s. It’s messy. But, write I must. Just for me.

I was five or so when I met him, another of my mother’s boyfriends. He made her crepes. She was impressed. His furniture matched. So modern, so nice. Not a futon on the floor, not hand-me-downs. I remember his apartment. It wasn’t in a basement, like ours. It had big glass French doors. He said he remembered dancing with my mom at a sober holiday party when her belly was big with me. He said he remembered waving us off in our red Volkswagen square-back when I was two and my mom went off to find herself on the road and on the Left Coast.

I don’t know if any of this is true. He would lie to make the past better. Or, if a lie would not work, he’d walk away.

There were two wives before my mom. The first a shotgun marriage to make his son legit. We called him Yanni. Because James was too hard. He was named for the uncle, his father’s older brother, who died in Vietnam of an overdose. Listed as drowning, I was told, as he vomited in his helmet. The second was a short lived romp with Miss Fergus Falls, runner up for Miss Minnesota.

Again, is any of this true? I don’t know.

My mom was third. Common law only. She would never sign a damn thing or trust anyone. Not completely.

He wanted so badly to be middle class, a better life. He knew you had to walk the walk, talk the talk, and look the part for anyone to ever take you seriously. Look like a yuppy and be a yuppy. He taught my mom how to dress for a job interview. He supported her finishing her college degree. As a new family we took a caretaker position for a property owned by his employer in order to save enough money for a house. A real home in a good neighborhood. A responsible choice.

My mom was furious the day he came home with a Thunderbird, because he wouldn’t drive a beat-up Volkswagen one day longer, even if my mom could rebuild that engine one more time. He’d never asked: he knew what she would say.

He was a coward with women. He loved them strong and exciting, all the better if they were petite and dark-haired. He barely touched his family of origin in those years. His ‘crazy’ catholic mother in the garbage house. The drunk of a dad who walked out of the crazy, and was dead before 70. The younger siblings who were so strung out they passed out in the soup one Thanksgiving. It wasn’t a lack of love, but a deep fear the same demons would eat him up. The bare bones of this are true, I saw it for myself, even the soup. I think he wanted a strong woman who would make it all right.

He brushed my hair so tenderly. He’d made a great story out of his failure in making me edible oatmeal when left in charge. He told his friends my mom’s cute kid stories about me, as if they were his own experiences. They weren’t, but I knew he did it to claim me as his own. He told me it was OK if I loved church, even if my mom didn’t approve. I think that was the only time he ever directly contradicted her to me. One year he picked me up from Christmas midnight mass and saw a woman at bus stop waiting in knee deep snow. He stopped and we took her home. No question asked, just the right thing to do. When we saw a terrible accident and I was worried about the hit pedestrian, he made all the phone calls to the police and hospitals to help reassure me of the outcome. I don’t care if he lied about that. It was what I needed.

After my mom got her degree and a good union job with the county, he found a MBA program that would take his work experience, instead of a college degree. He only ever had a GED before that, but he was one hell of a good non-profit manager, usually healthcare adjacent. He worked his ass off for that MBA nights and weekends at a large oak roll-top desk.

Another purchase he didn’t ask my mom about, but loved (and, yes, also left behind).

Like the music equipment.

I can hear him playing Blackbird on his acoustic guitar for me. The saddest, most beautiful sound I know. I never loved his synthesizer compositions, but he did and I have no ear. So perhaps they were beautiful too, because they gave him joy. He taught himself carpentry and build a case in the dining room for the speakers and records and stereo he loved so much. Chicago and ELO I remember best.

My mother encouraged the carpentry; it reminded her of her grandfather – the making, the do-it-yourself home projects. He built all the cabinets in the bathroom. He learned to tile too. The wallpaper never lined up and the wood stain was a little too orange. He wanted everything new, not old. He was ready with a can of spray paint to treat any antique lamp, much to my mother’s horror. He polished an old glass Santa ornament, a family heirloom of my mom’s, and made it a nice new noose(!) to hang it on the tree. Again I hear my mother mad, but laughing too. I still hang it by that noose each year on my tree.

The T-bird went the way of such things and was replaced by TWO brand new (yet very sensible) Honda Civics, right off the lot. A wagon for my mom and CRX for him. The Christmases weren’t just a make-do affair anymore–one year there was even a three speed bicycle with my name on it under the tree. He brought home a laptop as soon as a laptop existed, so I could write my papers on it rather than the typewriter. On hot summer days with no AC, he would make root beer floats in the unfinished basement and we’d play scrabble or put together a puzzle or backgammon ( I don’t remember how to play but he taught me) or gin rummy.

His son Yanni got into some trouble. My mom insisted we do the right thing and give him a second chance. They turned the attic into a second floor loft space, so we could have a third bedroom. Some contractors, but mostly their own sweat and tears. Then, for a while, I had a brother, not just every other weekend, but all the time. He was fun and funny and tall and protective and a very very lost soul. Yanni last called me in 2008; he was drunk. He’d just gotten off the phone with my mom. He was missing his dad who he had just learned had remarried for the 6th (and last?) time without letting him know.

I found out Yanni was dead too in that same Sunday text. Two gut punches. I can’t think about Yanni yet. I’ve not even looked for his obit.

Where did it all go wrong? Was it ever right?

I remember the yelling more from my age 14. From 15 I think I remember them both having a beer behind the others back. Each said the other was the worse alcoholic and I shouldn’t tell the other parent about the occasional drinking. It was just one beer or may be two. He liked Moosehead. She liked Sierra Nevada. A relationship predicated on sobriety could not survive this. Yet, they also wanted very different things. Once they got past just surviving to thriving, the dreams no longer matched, regardless of the love. They were really, really good together at those first steps out of poverty. It gave me a chance for something different, my own.

They told me they were splitting up when I went to college. I knew the marriage wasn’t good. I loved him so. I wrote my senior speech about finding the father I never had in him. Even after all the shitty things I said to him in my teenage angsty years.

He promised I got to keep him. He was signing the house over to me and my mom free and clear. He sent me lifesavers my freshman year of college with a hundred dollars inserted in the hole between the candies. And, he stayed calm and consistent as my mom dropped to 90 pounds and took up smoking in her grief. I lost a part of her in that divorce too.

Then there was the Christmas eve, really the wee hours Christmas morning, I bailed him out of Jail from a DWI. He didn’t call me. He called my mom. She wouldn’t go, said I shouldn’t. I did.

When I went to Oxford for study abroad, he bought me a brand new leather jacket, modern and well cut to replace the tattered and painted one I’d worn for years. Before grad school, He threw me one hell of a going-away party at his downtown loft apartment. He was always willing to let me use that apartment and the roof deck with friends to play at being a grown up.

I felt so special he kept momentos of me. I knew he never kept anything. When he was done with something, the past was over. I cannot imagine how Yanni felt.

Or, the wives.

I lasted through two more of those.

Rosemary was in toastmasters, had a house in the suburbs with two perfectly groomed and well breed dogs. He shifted his whole existence and tastes to match hers. I was so happy to be at that wedding. The house and way of life were strange, but I was welcome. They even took me on a vacation to a resort (no more tents in this new reality).

Then back to the downtown loft.

Then his ex-secretary Diane. They opened a restaurant –her dream, not his — but he was all-in each time. It failed. She called me overseas to let me know the day she kicked him out for his drinking. I valued that call: it made me feel like family. I’d learned that year I really couldn’t tell if he was in a blackout. He’d seem so normal as we watched a movie and yet remember nothing the next morning. He came to visit me in Oxford. I got him a guest room in college. He drank too much. I couldn’t feel connected.

He went to treatment. He decided he wasn’t an alcoholic, just bipolar. If he found the right meds, he’d be able to manage the booze. Yes, this is another lie he told himself.

He asked my mom to let him move back in. Just until he was back on his feet. I begged them both not to do it. If they had changed, it was not in ways that made them more compatible, even as roommates. The yelling was so awful that summer. He cut off his finger while trying to repair something. I drove him to the hospital. Of course, there were painkillers. I went back to England.

He left.

He left everything behind.

Even me.

I saw him once more. Winter 2003. He’d moved to Bismark, ND by then. His one functional sister was there and she’d moved their mom into a home there. He’d got a job. I drove to Fargo and so did he. We had lunch in a truck stop. I drove home across the frozen plains in car I’d borrowed from my grandfather. The civic wagon was now too old to make that drive.

I got one Christmas card at my mom’s house from him. I think. I don’t really remember.

Whenever I looked on the internet for him, I found nothing. It was like he vanished. I always feared he was dead.

Until Sunday when I got the text. And, now, I know.

Too late for any funeral. I must make my own memorial.

I don’t know who he was the last two decades. In my heart he will always be my Charlie. The man who raised me, who made so much possible.

But for others he was Chuck or Chaz or Charles. And there were so many lies too. Some to ease the pain of a hurtful past, some to enlarge the good.

Even so.

I know he made me feel safe and loved. And, I know there is a hole the shape of a father inside of me.

A father I lost long ago but grieve today.


The photo album I made him in 1998 was one of the things he left behind when he left my mother’s house a second time. I’m glad I have it today and Robert Frost’s words hit different, but I wish so dearly he had kept it close. I wish he’d been able to remember all those beautiful days.

“Get my travel funds from Moneta”

I was consulting an old blog post for another footnote and noticed this funny command from Cicero to get money from Moneta to let him take a reasonable sum with him as he travels to join Pompey.

I of course went first to Shackleton Bailey’s commentary which pointed me to his fanciful restoration of Att. 15.15 with another reference to Moneta and the idea that the temple served as a bank.

Luckily Woytek 2003 has sensible things to say correcting this view and others.

I still feel I’m not positive that I understand what is going on in the passage. First we need to remember that Philotimus is deeply in debt to Cicero, cf. Att. 7.3.7 Dec 50. So it may be a statement that he needs to pay up at whatever inconvenience be it divine intervention or extortionate usury. I think this is my preferred explanation.

“I don’t care your debtors aren’t pay up, Pray to Moneta, As I will extract mine from you come hell or high water”

Another possibility is that Cicero has some thought of taking fresh coin in some official capacity granted or presumed to have been granted by Pompey or the consuls etc. Pompey withdraws from the area of Rome in late January. The consuls sail to Greece 4 March, Pompey 17 March. Caesar summons a senate meeting on the outskirts of Rome 1 April and shortly there after before leaves for Spain. In the interim he seized the public treasury. For dates and sources see Attalus

Many had spoken in favour of a massacre: and Caesar himself was not by nature and inclination averse to cruelty, but he thought that mild measures would win popularity. But, if he lost popular favour, he would be cruel. He had been put out when he found that he had offended the populace itself by seizing the treasury: and so, though he had fully made up his mind to harangue the people before leaving, he had not ventured to do so, and he had gone off in a very disturbed state of mind

Att. 10.4.8

So there was still coined money to be had from the government, but this seems more outlandish an explanation as the viaticus (travel fund) is clearly personal.

Below is the last Pompeian issue struck by the Roman mint before they left the city and eventually Italy.

After Caesar’s arrival another Moneyer begins striking on his behalf at the Roman Mint:

In this chronology I follow Woytek 2003: 95ff.

And for fun notice the graffiti on both obverses in the field to the front of head, the second coin is in the form of ‘speaking lines’ . I thought I had a post on this but my searches are coming up empty.

Sulla and Delphi

For another footnote I wanted to remind myself of the primary sources on this episode.

Basically I’m thinking about ready cash vs. income and wealth derived from real estate.

Plutarch, Life of Sulla 12

ἔγραψε δὲ καὶ τοῖς Ἀμφικτύοσιν εἰς Δελφοὺς ὅτι τὰ χρήματα τοῦ θεοῦ βέλτιον εἴη κομισθῆναι πρὸς αὐτόν· ἢ γὰρ φυλάξειν ἀσφαλέστερον ἢ καὶ ἀποχρησάμενος ἀποδώσειν οὐκ ἐλάττω· καὶ τῶν φίλων ἀπέστειλε Κάφιν τὸν Φωκέα κελεύσας σταθμῷ παραλαβεῖν ἕκαστον. ὁ δὲ Κάφις ἧκε μὲν εἰς Δελφούς, ὤκνει δὲ τῶν ἱερῶν θιγεῖν, καὶ πολλὰ τῶν Ἀμφικτυόνων παρόντων ἀπεδάκρυσε τὴν ἀνάγκην. 5ἐνίων δὲ φασκόντων ἀκοῦσαι φθεγγομένης τῆς ἐν τοῖς ἀνακτόροις κιθάρας, εἴτε πιστεύσας εἴτε τὸν Σύλλαν βουλόμενος ἐμβαλεῖν εἰς δεισιδαιμονίαν, ἐπέστειλε πρὸς αὐτόν. ὁ δὲ σκώπτων ἀντέγραψε θαυμάζειν τὸν Κάφιν, εἰ μὴ συνίησιν ὅτι χαίροντος, οὐ χαλεπαίνοντος, εἴη τὸ ᾄδειν· ὥστε θαρροῦντα λαμβάνειν ἐκέλευσεν, ὡς ἡδομένου τοῦ θεοῦ καὶ διδόντος. Τὰ μὲν οὖν ἄλλα διέλαθε τούς γε πολλοὺς Ἕλληνας ἐκπεμπόμενα, τὸν δὲ ἀργυροῦν πίθον, ὃς ἦν ὑπόλοιπος ἔτι τῶν βασιλικῶν, διὰ βάρος καὶ μέγεθος οὐ δυναμένων ἀναλαβεῖν τῶν ὑποζυγίων, ἀναγκαζόμενοι κατακόπτειν οἱ Ἀμφικτύονες εἰς μνήμην ἐβάλοντο τοῦτο μὲν Τίτον Φλαμινῖνον καὶ Μάνιον Ἀκύλιον, τοῦτο δὲ Αἰμίλιον Παῦλον, ὧν ὁ μὲν Ἀντίοχον ἐξελάσας τῆς Ἑλλάδος, οἱ δὲ τοὺς Μακεδόνων βασιλεῖς καταπολεμήσαντες οὐ μόνον ἀπέσχοντο τῶν ἱερῶν τῶν Ἑλληνικῶν, ἀλλὰ καὶ δῶρα καὶ τιμὴν αὐτοῖς καὶ σεμνότητα πολλὴν προσέθεσαν. 7ἀλλ᾿ ἐκεῖνοι μὲν ἀνδρῶν τε σωφρόνων καὶ μεμαθηκότων σιωπῇ τοῖς ἄρχουσι παρέχειν τὰς χεῖρας ἡγούμενοι κατὰ νόμον, αὐτοί τε ταῖς ψυχαῖς βασιλικοὶ καὶ ταῖς δαπάναις εὐτελεῖς ὄντες, μετρίοις ἐχρῶντο καὶ τεταγμένοις ἀναλώμασι, τὸ κολακεύειν τοὺς στρατιώτας αἴσχιον 8ἡγούμενοι τοῦ δεδιέναι τοὺς πολεμίους· οἱ δὲ τότε στρατηγοὶ βίᾳ τὸ πρωτεῖον, οὐκ ἀρετῇ, κτώμενοι, καὶ μᾶλλον ἐπ᾿ ἀλλήλους δεόμενοι τῶν ὅπλων ἢ τοὺς πολεμίους, ἠναγκάζοντο δημαγωγεῖν ἐν τῷ στρατηγεῖν, εἶθ᾿ ὧν εἰς τὰς ἡδυπαθείας τοῖς στρατευομένοις ἀνήλισκον ὠνούμενοι τοὺς πόνους αὐτῶν, ἔλαθον ὤνιον ὅλην τὴν πατρίδα ποιήσαντες ἑαυτούς τε δούλους τῶν κακίστων ἐπὶ τῷ τῶν βελτιόνων ἄρχειν.

He wrote also to the Amphictyons at Delphi that it was better to have the treasures of the god sent to him; for he would either keep them more safely, or, if he spent them, would restore as much. And he sent Caphis, the Phocian, one of his friends, with the letter, bidding him receive each article by weight. Caphis came to Delphi, but was loth to touch the sacred objects, and shed many tears, in the presence of the Amphictyons, over the necessity of it. And when some of them declared they heard the sound of the god’s lyre in the inner sanctuary, Caphis, either because he believed them, or because he wished to strike Sulla with superstitious fear, sent word to him about it. But Sulla wrote back jocosely, expressing his amazement that Caphis did not understand that singing was done in joy, not anger; his orders were therefore to take boldly, assured that the god was willing and glad to give. Accordingly, the rest of the treasures were sent away without the knowledge of the most, certainly, of the Greeks; but the silver jar, the only one of the royal gifts which still remained, was too large and heavy for any beast of burden to carry, and the Amphictyons were compelled to cut it into pieces. As they did so, they called to mind now Titus Flamininus and Manius Acilius, and now Aemilius Paulus, of whom one had driven Antiochus out of Greece, and the others had subdued in war the kings of Macedonia; these had not only spared the sanctuaries of the Greeks, but had even made additional gifts to them, and greatly increased their honour and dignity. But these were lawful commanders of men who were self-restrained and had learned to serve their leaders without a murmur, and they were themselves kingly in spirit and simple in their personal expenses, and indulged in moderate and specified public expenditures, deeming it more disgraceful to flatter their soldiers than to fear their enemies; the generals of this later time, however, who won their primacy by force, not merit, and who needed their armies for service against one another, rather than against the public enemy, were compelled to merge the general in the demagogue, and then, by purchasing the services of their soldiers with lavish sums to be spent on luxurious living, they unwittingly made their whole country a thing for sale, and themselves slaves of the basest men for the sake of ruling over the better.

Pausanias, Boeotia 7.5-6

Σύλλα δὲ ἐσβαλόντος ἐς τὴν Βοιωτίαν δεῖμα ἔσχε τοὺς Θηβαίους, καὶ ἐγνωσιμάχησάν τε αὐτίκα καὶ ἐτράποντο αὖθις ἐς τὴν Ῥωμαίων φιλίαν. Σύλλας δὲ ἐς αὐτοὺς ἐχρῆτο ὅμως τῷ θυμῷ, καὶ ἄλλα τε ἐξεῦρεν ἐπὶ λύμῃ τῶν Θηβαίων καὶ τὴν ἡμίσειαν ἀπετέμετο αὐτῶν τῆς χώρας κατὰ πρόφασιν τοιαύτην. ἡνίκα ἤρχετο τοῦ πρὸς Μιθριδάτην πολέμου, χρῃμάτων ἐσπάνιζε· συνέλεξεν οὖν ἔκ τε Ὀλυμπίας ἀναθήματα καὶ τὰ ἐξ Ἐπιδαύρου καὶ τὰ ἐκ Δελφῶν, ὁπόσα ὑπελίποντο οἱ Φωκεῖς· ταῦτα μὲν δὴ διένειμε τῇ στρατιᾷ, τοῖς θεοῖς δὲ ἀντέδωκεν ἀντὶ τῶν χρημάτων γῆς τὴν ἡμίσειαν τῆς Θηβαΐδος. τὴν μὲν δὴ ἀφαίρετον χώραν ὕστερον Ῥωμαίων χάριτι ἀνεσώσαντο οἱ Θηβαῖοι, τὰ δὲ ἄλλα ἐς τὸ ἀσθενέστατον ἀπ᾿ ἐκείνου προήχθησαν·

when Sulla invaded Boeotia, terror seized the Thebans; they at once changed sides, and sought the friendship of the Romans. Sulla nevertheless was angry with them, and among his plans to humble them was to cut away one half of their territory. His pretext was as follows. When he began the war against Mithridates, he was short of funds. So he collected offerings from Olympia, those at Epidaurus, and all those at Delphi that had been left by the Phocians, These he divided among his soldiery, and repaid the gods with half of the Theban territory. Although by favour of the Romans the Thebans afterwards recovered the land of which they had been deprived, yet from this point they sank into the greatest depths of weakness.

Frontinus Stratagems 1.11

(Cf. Val. Max. i. ii, also mentioned Delphi as the source of the Apollo figurine; 3; Plut. Sulla 29)

L. Sulla, quo paratiorem militem ad pugnandum haberet, praedici sibi a diis futura simulavit. Postremo etiam in conspectu exercitus, priusquam in aciem descenderet, signum modicae amplitudinis, quod Delphis sustulerat, orabat petebatque, promissam victoriam maturaret.

Lucius Sulla, in order to make his soldiers readier for combat, pretended that the future was foretold him by the gods. His last act, before engaging in battle, was to pray, in the sight of his army, to a small image which he had taken from Delphi, entreating it to speed the promised victory.

Diodorus 38/39.7

Here’s the passage I was remembering (from my doctorate!)

Ὅτι ὁ Σύλλας χρημάτων ἀπορούμενος ἐπέβαλε τὰς χεῖρας τρισὶν ἱεροῖς, ἐν οἷς ἀναθημάτων ἀργυρῶν τε καὶ χρυσῶν πλῆθος ἦν, ἐν μὲν Δελφοῖς τῷ Ἀπόλλωνι καθιερωμένα,ἐν Ἐπιδαύρῳ δὲ τῷ Ἀσκληπιῷ, ἐν Ὀλυμπίᾳ δὲ τῷ Διί. πλεῖστα δὲ ἔλαβεν ἐξ Ὀλυμπίας διὰ τὸ μεμενηκέναι τὸ ἱερὸν τοῦτο ἄσυλον ἐξ αἰῶνος· τῶν γὰρ ἐν Δελφοῖς χρημάτων Φωκεῖς τὰ πλεῖστα διεφόρησαν ἐν τῷ ἱερῷ κληθέντι πολέμῳ. ὁ δὲ Σύλλας πολὺν ἄργυρον καὶ χρυσόν, ἔτι δὲ τὴν ἄλλην πολυτελῆ κατασκευὴν ἀναλαβὼν ἤθροισε χρημάτων πλῆθος πρὸς τοὺς ἐν Ἰταλίᾳ προσδοκωμένους πολέμους. ἀδεισιδαιμόνως δὲ τῇ λήψει τῶν ἱερῶν χρημάτων προσενεχθεὶς χώραν ἀντὶ τούτων καθιέρωσε τοῖς θεοῖς εἰς τὰς κατ᾿ ἔτος προσόδους. εὐτραπελευόμενος δὲ ἀπεφαίνετο κρατεῖν τῷ πολέμῳ πάντως διὰ τὸ τοὺς θεοὺς αὐτῷ συνεργεῖν, εἰσενηνοχότας χρημάτων πολύ τι πλῆθος αὐτῷ.

Sulla, being in need of money, laid hands on three sanctuaries that possessed a wealth of offerings in gold and silver: those consecrated to Apollo at Delphi, to Asclepius at Epidaurus, and to Zeus at Olympia.His largest haul was at Olympia, since that sanctuary had remained inviolate through the ages, whereas most of the treasures at Delphi had been plundered by the Phocians during the so-called “Sacred War.” Sulla, by appropriating large amounts of gold and silver, and any other objects of value, amassed ample funds for the anticipated war in Italy. And though he showed no scruples in seizing the sacred treasures, in their stead he did consecrate land to the gods to provide them an annual revenue. He would say in jest that his supremacy in battle was assured, since the gods, by their large contributions to his war chest, were aiding his cause.

Just for eye candy:

Sullan gold struck at Athens (RRC 359/1), perhaps in part with confiscated temple gold? See Suspene et al. in AVREVS for recent testing. BnF specimen

Contextualizing the Coins of the First Italia

The two pupils on this head creep me out.

I promised to write something on the social war coinage within the next 12 months. I’m not engaged in the work now but wanted to keep this reference handy and have a place for similar future notes.

There is one chapter on coins but the whole is very relevant:

Pittia, Sylvie, et Loredana Cappelletti, éd. L’Italie entre déchirement et réconciliation : la guerre sociale (91-88 avant notre ère) et ses lendemains. Besançon: Presses universitaires de Franche-Comté, 2024. doi:10.4000/139nk.

If you want to see all the social war coinage, your best bet is IRIS populated with the BnF specimens and with Rutter’s citations for the few they don’t have.

More to come. Back to my lit survey for the article I’m working on.


Next Day.

A colleague sent this note:

“Apropos Italia:, see the latest thinking by Crawford in ImIt I, 2011, pp. 67-74”

So I re read it. Most know but the standard work is.

I would sorely love a physical copy of this for my library but that is a pipe dream. I went looking for a copy of Crawford’s Roman Statutes yesterday and struck out for anything less than 2-3k. By heavens, Crawford is really the mind of last 100 years.

My other stray thoughts after a quick skim are that the Oscan legend uses something very like the apex, a diacritic mark I discussed fairly recently in Latin. And it has vowel reduplication for long vowels (cf. earlier post with classic example). The orthography, or writing culture, of the Italians was clearly part of the same cultural world as that of literate Latin. No surprise but exciting nonetheless to observe.

Bes defaced?! (RRC 266/3)

I was fixing broken links and images in this old post and I had to take a look at the bes or 2/3s coin = 8 unciae (RRC 266/3). When I see an old post is getting traffic, I will try if I can to check it is still working and correct what I can.

This led me to notice that the Tübingen and BNF specimens of this rare bronze type have a similar cut on the face of Bacchus. Similarly placed as well, but not exact. I suspect they may even have been made with the same tool.

Why cut the face of a bronze?! It cannot be plated or faked in that way. And it wouldn’t be mistaken for worn Roman silver with a weight of between 10-12 grams.

Is it to cancel it? Is it because the moneyer’s name is associated with Brutus and murder of Julius Caesar? Some other reason did it need to cancelled or counter-marked in some way?

Here’s the nicest specimen know:

This image has an empty alt attribute; its file name is image-11.png

Money Bags, Money Baskets

EDCS-20200006 dated to c. 123 BCE to 112 BCE

The Latin word fiscus gives us the English word fiscal.

I’m delighted by the commonality of the term between the world of commerce and the processing of agricultural products.

The most common images of money bags are for smaller amounts and made of leather or cloth:

From the House of Julia Felix (public domain image)
From the house of the Vettii (Chapps image)

However cheese baskets (fiscella, the minature of a fiscus) look more like this, we think:

MANN 14658947880 (Raddato image)
MANN 16111944810 (Raddato image)

A Roman olive press looks like this:

Alanya Museum Reconstructed Roman oil pressing reconstruction (wikimedia image)

Or like this:

Capernaum Roman-era olive mill in the ruins of the town (wikimedia image)

Fabrication de l’huile et pressoir à huile. Bas-relief sur un sarcophage. D’après l’Archäologische Zeitung, t. XXXV, pl.

There are also screw presses but these are less common.

My point is that the fiscus as a basket must withstand the crushing weight of probably the first type of press above. AND let the liquid out without letting through bits of the olive flesh or crushed pits.

Cheese too needs to be drained of the whey while retaining the curd, especially in a fine fresh cheese like a ricotta, often by pressing.

The woven basket character is confirmed by another diminutive.

I’m also delighted in the first passage with all the discussion of sealing and labelling. It fits so nicely with the tesserae.

Tesserae Nummularia Posts

14 June 2014

23 October 2019

18 December 2023

19 December 2023

29 April 2024

30 April 2024

24 June 2024

I guess one day I’ll have write all this up as an article. One day…

Tolerable Weight Variation Per Coin, Silver vs Gold

This is a footnote in a draft piece I’ve been writing.

[I’m 5,000 words into the first draft of an article and think it might be good, also think it might be banal and terrible–such is the nature of writing.]

After removing 18 suspected forgeries, Coinage of the Roman Republic Online (CRRO) provides weight data on 259 examples of denarii struck between 53 and 50 BCE at the Roman mint, with a mean weight of 3.83 grams and relative standard deviation (RSD) of 5%. 3.83 x 6000 = 22.98 kg = 50.66 lbs.  By way of comparison RRC 350A/1 is dated to the Cinnan regime (c. 86 BCE) and is represented by 357 specimens in CRRO it has a mean weight of 3.84 and an RSD also of 5%. 3.84 x 6000 = 23.04 kg = 50.79 lbs.  At 84 to the pound this would correspond to a Roman pound of c. 322 grams

Here’s another footnote from the draft:

Plin. 33.46.  The Roman pound was not the same in all places at all times.  Most prefer 327 grams as the conversion to modern weights and measures and this fits well will the set of seven basalt weights found at Praeneste in 1907 which have a mean average for a whole pound unit of 327.7 with an RSD of 0.2%.  Crawford 1974 prefers 324 grams as the conversion for the Roman pound.

Yes, there are also mention of various stuff like batch control at the Roman mint. Yes, I used revised dating for what coins I included in the 53 to 50 BCE window.

Anyway. I got thinking about 5% tolerance number for weight variations and I wondered what gold was like as I’ve always believed gold was better regulated.

[Yes this was a distraction, but long columns of numbers are soothing as I trying to get words on the page and think thoughts more substantially through issues than I normally do here on the blog, so I’m allowing myself this moderate distraction before I go back to the article draft.]

The Sullan gold issue best represented in CRRO is RRC 386/4 (28 specimens, 25 with weights recorded). It has an RSD of less than 2%.

Sextus Pompey’s RRC 511/1 has 44 specimens with weight values and an RSD of 3%.

BUT, the Hirtius gold issue (RRC 466/1 – rather erratic style of die engraving) has 45 specimens is recorded weight value and an RSD of 9.4%

Cistophoric Orthography

Berlin 18292717

Look at Cicero’s name.

TVLLIVS – Nominative

CICIIRON – NOT nominative with that N; and the E has most certainly been copied from a hand written document as in Roman script the E is II

We can deduce that the engraver was using some document to get the details right but that there was no highly literate Latin speaker at his elbow tut-tutting about the niceties of what what being copied from one medium to another.

Fun! Back to my real writing. More on Cicero’s cistophori from a much earlier post, now out of date.

“Ready Cash”, or Just Money in the Bank

I’m trying to decide what precisely is implied by the term numeratum.

Early January 49 BCE (ad Fam. 5.20)

Cicero says he does not have even a 100k ready cash to pay to his former quaestor who is concerned about a book-keeping error, even if he wanted to pay him.

quod si mihi expensa ista HS [100k] tulisses, tamen, quae tua est suavitas quique in me amor, nolles a me hoc tempore aestimationem accipere; nam numeratum si cuperem, non erat.

March 45 BCE (ad Att. 12.25)

Cicero is looking to by buy a suburban estate. He doesn’t want to sell or trade properties and doesn’t want to pay too much interest. He can call in a debt for 600k sestertii and has another 600k at home (domi) and can pay some interest on the remainder of the cost to the seller.

mihi et res et condicio placet, sed ita ut numerato malim quam aestimatione. … unde ergo numerato? HS [600k] exprimes ab Hermogene, cum praesertim necesse erit; et domi video esse HS [600k]. reliquae pecuniae vel usuram Silio pendemus

600k sestertii in silver of any coin denomination would weigh more than 1250 pounds.

It would fit in 3 standard five-gallon construction buckets if packed solid. With space between coins it would probably need to be distributed across four or five buckets. But don’t try to lift one of those buckets–you would put your back out!

This image has an empty alt attribute; its file name is image-31.png
This image has an empty alt attribute; its file name is image-31.png

Do we think Cicero really kept this laying around his house somewhere?!

What a hoard! The so-called Mesagne hoard has 5,861 coins reported. That’s just shy of 50 pounds of silver. By volume, if solid silver, that would fill just three quarter jars.

I think it is possible to have this much ready cash in a Roman house but as the numbers get bigger than this at what point is it preposterous to imagine the weight and volume in a private residence?

And, for context when Cicero flees to Epirus to join Pompey in 48 BCE he gets cash. This time explicitly in coins from Atticus’ people.

a tuis et nummorum accepi HS [20k] et vestimentorum quod opus fuit. (ad Att. 11.2)

So Atticus himself must have had a store of coins in Epirus far exceeding this amount. Now we must imagine Cicero and his staff (and enslaved persons) carrying around 42 pounds or more of silver with them. Sounds incredibly awkward for whomever had the burden. This was only slightly less than the Mesagne hoard as reported.


I’m dropping this here as it seems to also deal with the physicality of money:

nunc omnia ista iacere puto propter nummorum caritatem. (ad Att. 11.9, 17 March 49 BCE)

Coins themselves are dear, so by extension Cicero thinks if Atticus can pay in coin he can get a better price on the estate he is contemplating purchasing.

Shackleton Bailey calls it a coin shortage, but that cannot be quite right. As the Civil War between Pompey and Caesar looms everyone wants greater liquidity as they don’t know how the credit system or real estate values may be effected. The latter were particularly vulnerable to confiscation or devaluation through destruction. Romans seem to have keep a huge amount of their assets tied up in property investments. So cash becomes king as it is portable.

There is a potential reference to the same situation in:

omnia scilicet nunc minoris. [ad Att. 13.31, 28 May 45 BCE]


versuram scribis esse faciendam mensum quinque, id est ad Kal. Nov., HS [200k] in eam diem cadere nummos qui a Quinto debentur. [ad Att. 15.20]

Here again we seem to have a question of large sum liquidity during the uncertain political landscape. A new loan is needed because COINS in particular must be repaid on specific date (1st of November). It is a lack of physical coin that is the concern. The letter goes on to discuss rental income for his son and his desire put together his own viaticus. Shackleton Bailey again oversteps in translation assuming this means a lump sum rather than simply a means of access money while traveling. Cicero is contemplating leaving Italy to escape the Political landscape of summer of 44 BCE.

See reference in first comment!

Wheat, Hay, Straw

arachne.dainst.org/entity/1136018

arachne.dainst.org/entity/1252574

arachne.dainst.org/entity/5036621

arachne.dainst.org/entity/1249450

Louvre

There are three methods of harvesting grain: the first, employed in Umbria, in which the stalk is cut close to the ground with the hook, and each bundle, as it is cut, is laid on the ground. When a number of bundles are formed, they go over them again, and cut the ears from each close to the stalk. The ears are cast into the basket and carried to the threshing-floor, while the straw is left in the field and afterwards stacked. In the second method, employed in Picenum, they use a curved handle of wood with a small iron saw attached to the end; when this catches a bundle of ears it cuts them off and leaves the straw standing in the field to be cut later. In the third method, employed near Rome and in numerous other places, seizing the top with the left hand they cut the straw in the middle … The part of the stalk below the hand remains attached to the ground, and is cut later; while the part which is attached to the ear is carried to the threshing-floor in baskets. … The grain should be cut when it is ripe; and on easily worked land it is held that the reaping of one iugerum is approximately a day’s work for one man—this should include the carrying of the reaped ears to the threshing-floor in baskets.

Varro, On Agriculture 1.50 (Loeb trans.)

no. 162 Fabatus (RRC 412/1)

trade specimen

Alice Sharpless writes: “Crawford identifies symbol as a sheaf of corn (i.e., wheat) but wheat does not look like this; more likely a young tree with stakes; RRC, pl. LXIX-162” and identifies it as a young sapling with stakes.

Papius (RRC 384/1) no. 20 (cf. earlier post)

The term for a group of sheaves stacked to dry is a stook.

I’d feel a lot more certain about this ID if I ever find an image or even literary description of Roman stooks.

Past me thought this object in front of the anvil might be related but I’m far from sure:

The same object seems also to be on the back of Fabatus no. 156.