Slides

Speaking Notes

This paper was delivered without a script. However in preparation for delivery I organized my thoughts in this manner and have now reread and tweaked the language post-delivery to ensure a sufficient overlap between remarks delivered and the following text.

Title Slide

I agreed to give this talk to try to see the forest for the trees, to speak historically about my more technical numismatic work. The main themes are Rome’s relatively short-lived cast coinage a phenomenon starting at or just before the First Punic war and ending less than 60 years later during the Second Punic, or Hannibalic, War, why it was created and how it was used, with a particular emphasis on religious sanctuaries. To do this I’ve been very selective with what I’m sharing to try to give a big picture using broad brush strokes, but as I truly love the trees as much as the forest, please feel free to ask follow ups in the Q&A.

Handout Slide

If you would like a copy of my slides to follow along now or for future reference the QR code will direct you to the appropriate post on my blog post, password WashU. I’ll remove the password after this talk is delivered and at the same time post a version of my speaking notes. They won’t be a transcript but rather a record of what I hoped I might say on this event. If you’d like to enter the website address directly just go to livyarrow.org and it should be the first post.

While those of you who wish to do so connect, I share an image of a terracotta votive found at Nemi now in the Villa Guilia. It is believed to be a depiction of the temple of Diana there as it may have existed in the 2nd Century BCE. At very least it is a lovely aid to our imaginations for the now lost setting for many of the objects well see today.

Nemi Slide

As a historian I cannot over emphasize the importance of provenance for coin finds, not just authentication but also evidence for historic usage through deposition and proximity to other finds, in essence to treat coinage as the material cultural and archaeological evidence it is. Analogy about epigraphy, in the past too often studied from catalogues not from the original findspot and culture of display. There has been much correction of this in epigraphy through a wider spatial turn in classical scholarship over the last 30 plus years.

The materials of Nemi were excavated by the British Ambassador to Italy in the mid 1880s and his portion of the finds are now on deposit in Nottingham UK thus accessible for study along with some documentation of their find context. They are thus an ideal case study to try to help me answer some of my bigger questions around the uses of money in the mid 3rd BCE Italy. I began collecting metallurgical data from aes grave in university museum collections here in the US in 2023 to justify a proposal to access and study the Nemi assemblage in Nottingham.

San Casciano dei Bagni slide

Through a strange serendipity this year was also when Italian sanctuaries as places of pilgrimage hit the news with splashy images of the discoveries in the hot spring pools at San Casciano dei Bagni. When the bronze statuary and other votives began to come to light the incredible artistry and volume of artifacts inspired a few skeptics to accuse the archaeologists of planting the objects, as they seemed to completely up end our ideas Hellenistic Italy, at least to those unaware of how much has been lost through looting and just sequential reuse and refashioning of sites over time.

While I would not stretch too far the parallel between San Casciano dei Bagni and Nemi they were active in use with similar populations in the middle and late republican periods. And indeed, there are a number of other somewhat similar sanctuaries which I’ll discuss at the end of this talk.

Big Question slide

While I have lots of big questions some of my biggest around the emergence of Roman coinage center on two main themes

read slide

Money slide

The definition of money is slippery and disputed. Hollander in 2007 wrote a wonderful book on the nature of money in the Later Roman Republic to try to bring some of the modern scholarly perspectives to bear on the Roman economy. He uses a common definition of money and shows the diversity of money in use by Romans in the first century BCE. 

Read slide, Discuss.

I would suggest that we consider monetary system a form of intangible cultural heritage.  At times we have physical manifestations of money or artifacts relate to the systems, but the socio-cultural evolution of money as concept need not be physical.

Past Logics Slide

Prior to Hollander and even today quite often scholars implicitly approach the study of ancient economies and specifically monetary objects like coins from a teleological perspective, one in which we presume progress from a state of primitivism to complex societies or “civilizations”. In essence, I’m asking you today to interrogate with great skepticism three common underlying assumptions.

Read slide.

In essence, I’m suggesting that even if we do not understand the nature of an ancient economy or a scarcity of evidence for pervasive use of physical money, we should not assume that a society operated with ”only” barter. Barter itself is a romanticized concept associated with the primitive other as opposed to our own ‘sophisticated’ systems for measuring value, storing wealth, make payments and account for all these and more transactions. Thus my proposition that money can be a form intangible cultural heritage.

Stylistics slide

This type of primitive to sophisticated intuitive logic for discussing material cultures is pervasive far beyond money and coinage, and it may be easier to conceptualize and recognize the logical fallacy when looking at art rather than economic instruments. If I asked you to date the figure on the left as compared to the figures in bronze in the photograph, you would probably use stylistic seriation to hypothesize that the figure on the left if far older. It has far less detail for the body or facial features, few attributes and no attempt at detailing clothing, let alone conveying the potential for complex dynamic movement in the human form. When these objects were excavated at Nemi by Lord Saville, he guessed that the figure on the right might be Egyptian, and when I got to hold these objects when studying the Nemi materials in Nottingham, I too assumed that the figure on the left was evidence of older cult activity at the site.

Metallurgical Slide

And yet, metallurgy and the limited findspot reports suggest this assumption is very wrong indeed.

Based on surface pXRF readings, the figure on the left is heavily leaded bronze, similar to the figures on right. Bronze is a mixture of Copper and Tin and in the height of the bronze age in the Mediterranean world there were very precise recipes for ‘good bronze’ maximizing its strength for tools and weapons. Typically, this might have been about 10% tin to 90% copper, but of course I’m speaking in broad brush strokes.  Bronze is a true alloy but not a single formula by any means.

Even in the Bronze Age Mediterranean peoples shifted their bronze recipes to achieve not only different characteristics of the metal, but also different colors and esthetic effects. In the Iron Age, as the use of bronze shifted, so did the recipes. The third ingredient here is lead and in apparently large amounts. The typical reason to add lead to bronze is to increase in fluidity when pouring molten metal, but this ‘benefit’ is only realized in amounts less than 4%. Over 4% leaded bronze is no longer a stable unified body, but rather an admixture that cools erratically and produces highly inconsistent results.

Lord Savile in neither the Italian journal publication nor his own museum catalogue differentiates the find spots. I believe based on his summary all these objects were found intentionally deposited directly in front of the South front of the Temple, the side facing Lake Nemi. I am hoping to find Lord Saville’s original letters and journals relating to the excavation in the Notthinghamshire archives, but thus far all reports indicate a single bronze votive deposit.

Lead Slide

Lead was cheap and versatile materials. Some have compared it to the plastic of the ancient world, seductive in its innumerable applications while silently harming the environment and causing unrealized health problems.

The ready availability of lead in the ancient Mediterranean is directly tied to the silver production. The more silver that is extracted from the mines the more lead ingots can be exported for use in building and plumbing, cosmetics and the arts. Untold purposes. After the Hannibalic War Spanish lead becomes exceptionally common but it was already available in the 3^rd century from mines in Macedonia and Greece and widely traded. Rarely can we trace the exact origin of the lead because of extensive reuse and remelting of the materials.

Back to Metallurgy slide

The high levels of lead in the Nemi votives is there as a filler. It is cheap and heavy and can be added in to stretch whatever collection of outdated and unwanted bronze objects are being melted down to create these small gifts to the gods, thus driving the sanctuary economy while preserving the pax deorum.

Such high lead levels are only practical for small cast objects. If one tried to beat out such metal say for armor or a cooking pan or even a mirror, it would immediately shatter. Such an admixture has little to no flexibility or tensile strength.

We’ll circle back to the question of accuracy of these pXRF numbers, and the short answer is not very, but the overall pattern is convincing and there is no doubt these objects are rightly described as heavily leaded even if we should take specific numbers with a grain of salt.

Coin (il)logics Slide

Let’s now shift our attention back to the origins of Rome’s coinage as part of the existing italic monetary landscape in the 3rd century BCE and how all the Nemi finds together can help us speak with more accuracy about this historic development. We have two more presumptions that have for far too long dominated our discussion of Rome and Italy’s pre-existing monetary cultures.

First, [ read slide]

While I am not all the way to a Peter Wiseman level of skepticism on our literary sources, that sees little knowable before the production of Roman literature in the 3rd century BCE, on which I highly recommend Feeney’s work, I do as a historiographer has a strong sense of the Romans concern to create a plausible coherent narrative of events in deep time. Both Livy and Pliny try to piece together observable physical monuments and their own literary and oral traditions to tell us how Rome ended up the way it did. We can respect their methods but we need to be skeptical of they’re ability to truly know the unknowable or even understand the evidence the do have. I’m happy to discuss the whys and wherefores of my skepticism in the Q&A.

Second, [read slide]

This second one is more at the heart of this talk and will take more unpacking. I also have many sceptics to my view that heavy italic money could be a fiat currency, but I will do my best convince you through out the rest of this talk.

Burnett Hypothesis Slide

Aes Rude are materials like those you see in the upper righthand corner of the slide. They are unshaped pieces of metal that are presumed to be bronze that do not seem to conform to any particular standard and usually without design.

There are some examples that have rough designs or more intentional shapes like discs or rectilinear ingots, but these are the exception. They are found throughout the Italic peninsula and are believed to have served as money from the 6th century maybe even the 7th century onwards. The Burnett Hypothesis explains the strangeness of Rome’s very first coins, called aes grave, or heavy bronze, as an attempt to integrate the logics of Greek coinages struck in S. Italy with the Indigenous monetary forms. I am largely a supporter of this hypothesis as long as we do not presume that the heaviness relates to intrinsic value.

That large coin at the bottom of the slide weighs a full Roman point about 324 grams. Or about the weight of a can of soda after you’ve had the first gulp, or a smallish cup of gas station coffee to go. You can hold it in one hand but it is going to more than cover your palm. The great confusion about this monetary innovation is that is seems so deeply impractical. Why make it this way?! The standard answer is because it must have a lot of bronze in it to be worth anything.

Ardea Hoard Slide

Our physical evidence of how coins were used together suggests this cannot be correct. On the screen I show you parts of the Ardea hoard recovered in 1940. The coin is comprised of the earliest Roman bronze coins. On the left you see more of the aes grave. On the right we see small struck bronzes made at almost the same time also by Rome. We call this coin a litra but like aes rude and aes grave this is just a modern term we use for our own convenience and bears no relationship to what the Romans would have called them. The struck coins weight about as much as two nickels. Each. It would take 32 or more of these little struck coins to equal one of the largest of the cast coins. And, yet here they are together in the same context being saved or ritually deposited as similar objects of value. We cannot reconstruct an exchange rate but we can see that the two types of coin were made at about the same time and used in similar ways.

Pietrabbondante Slide

If we leave Latium and travel into the Mountains of Samnium we see the same thing. Cast and struck Roman coins together, AND alongside the many numerous bronzes struck by Roman allies in Campania during the course of 1st Punic War to support that war effort. Struck and cast coins are found and used together by people comfortable and familiar with both objects as forms of money.

Molinari Seaboard Slide

Much of my work has been inspired by the publications and observations by Jaia and Molinari based on their archaeological and numismatic expertise. They conclusively demonstrated a correlation the first Roman cast coinage between Roman investments in their seaboard defense network post Pyrrhic war., an investment that looks very much like an investment in an anticipated conflict with Western seapowers, namely the Carthaginians. Most recovered aes grave where context is known seems most likely to come from religious contexts, and we see aes rude reported in archaeological contexts as a single piece as part of a grave assemblage. Molinari’s careful review of finds from Lavinium showed aes rude, a Roman currency bar fragment, struck bronze coins of Campania and Rome again dating to 1st Punic war all together under a collapsed roof of a commercial space off the forum. This helps us clearly see that all these monetary objects did function as money and could do so together in Latium in the middle of the 3rd century.

The two sides of this slide taken together help us see clearly that the aes grave phenomenon does not evolve into struck coinage but is a parallel phenomenon and that it appears in our archaeological record on the eve of the 1st Punic War, not earlier.

 Ghiaccioforte Slide

However, my questioning of the idea that aes grave have intrinsic value based on their metal composition did not in fact grow out of their co existence alongside struck bronzes, but rather pXRF testing of aes rude published by a number of Italian scholars, perhaps most importantly the finds from Ghiaccioforte. This small oppidum North of Rome is believed to have been destroyed the Romans c. 280 BCE and never re inhabited. The site had a vast quantity of aes rude across the settlement in different contexts. The 2007 published results of surface analysis showed little to no homogeny in the elemental composition of these pieces of italic money. If these objects traded based on weight how could everything of the same weight have the same intrinsic value if the individual objects are made up of radically different ‘recipes’. After handling a great deal of aes rude in museum collections and most especially the Nemi assemblage of such materials, I can say that I personally cannot guess the likely metal content of a piece of aes rude based on touch, feel, and looks, and I significantly doubt anyone using these pieces as money would have been able to do so. After looking at this data my only reasonable hypothesis seemed to be that the metal content didn’t matter only the weight of the object. That in fact aes rude was itself primarily a fiat currency, that is a symbolic form of money that derives value from its shared cultural significance not how the material can be re used. The question of what this means for aes grave and the burnett hypothesis has been exercising on my mind now for a number of years.

 Worth by Weight Slide

The logic of worth by weight is baked into the Latin from an early period. Kroll made the linguistic case for the correlation between aes grave and aes rude monetary cultures very clearly in 2008 believing that these objects have intrinisic value.

Denomination and Metrology Slide

 My first approach to this problem was to re analyze the metrological data for the earliest aes grave. Previous scholars from Haberlin to Thomsen to even Crawford relied on simple averages to determine weight standards with out statistically considering overall shape of the data and its variability. They also did not look at denominations in relationship one to another.

When Rome starts making cast coinage on the eve of the 1st Punic war a base-12 denomination system appears fully formed like Athena from the Head of Zeus, or Minerva from Jupiter if you prefer.

This denomination system is by far and away the most complex and nuanced known in the Mediterranean at this time. NO other culture seems to have felt the need to make their money so granular in its available units and very few indeed used any sort of mark of denomination like this.

And, even more curious, the small denominations are vastly too heavy compared to the larger denominations. If these coins had intrinsic metallurgical value then the smallest coins should have been hoarded and prized for containing more of the desirable metal. There is also incredible variation in weights. That means little to no concern to regulate the weight of any individual specimen. And no expectation that users will care about such weight discrepencies and instead trade the objects on face value.  In fact fundamental to any coinage denomination system is the expectation that the coins will be accepted at face value. The Romans are communicating by the marks of value how those using their coinage should use them and that is not by putting them in a scale to weigh them.

Metallurgy Slide

Obviously my next research question was to wonder if Roman aes grave had the same wildly erratic composition as the aes Rude like we saw from Giacchioforte find. I began with surface analyses and measured museum specimens from Princeton, Yale, and Rutgers. Some 400 readings from well over a 100 individual specimens. BUT such objects are highly at risk of forgery not just now but as far back as the late 18th century! That preliminary work in the museum helped me get to know the likely shape of the data and convince the curators in Nottingham to let me analyse the Nemi material. What you can see immediately on the screen is that while there is variation in individual specimens, notice the spaces between the green dots and the whiskers on the box and whiskers graph, nevertheless the variation is within pretty well-defined margins and with only three dominant elements always in roughly the same ratio. Unlike aes rude, Roman aes grave conforms to a recipe and that recipe is full of lead just like those votives we saw earlier in the talk.

In fact, when we overlay the readings of Nemi figural votives and the aes grave found alongside it, we see they look very much like they are made from the junky admixture of metal.

This to me is hands down the most exciting part of this work and the backbone of my grant proposal due this coming Monday! I believe this connection and the overlap in find spots, namely in religious sanctuaries in the same deposition contexts, maybe our most significant clue to why the Romans chose to create a cast coinage alongside a struck coinage. It may even be that these objects were manufactured together, but for now that is pure speculation.

Muonic Xray Slide

So now I’m going to get even more technical but try to keep it accessible. When I started my surface analyses using pXRF many, if not most, in the numismatic community rolled their eyes and pointed out all the flaws in the pXRF studies of silver coins and how one cannot know the interior of an object from the surface. Some even refused access to artifacts because they believed I might mislead the public based on my findings. Nevertheless, pXRF machines are regularly using in field archaeology to provide preliminary analyses and my colleagues in bronze age metallurgical studies use pXRF as the backbone of funded multimillion dollar grants. pXRF has limitations and we need to be keenly aware of what causes variations in surface readings and how we interpret this data. Hence my focus on bulk analysis of pXRF results. Nevertheless, the patterns in this data has been the first step in justifying great investment in other forms of much more expensive, time-consuming scientific investigation.

As I mentioned earlier when you add so much lead to a copper-tin alloy it stops being a true alloy and is instead an irregular admixture. No one reading will tell us the recipe used in the original casting. Not only do we have to worry about changes to the surface through environmental effects, especially leaching away of copper from exposure to acids, but the internal structure will have different chemical make ups at different depths dependent on the cooling process after casting. Thus even shallow drilling and wet chemistry cannot provide accurate answers regarding the composition of the original molten metal. Moreover, with uniquely provenance artifacts like those from Nemi, drilling would raise serious ethical questions.

I was excited to meet Adrian Hillier and his colleague Sayani Biswas of the Appleton Rutherford laboratories in the UK and hear about their experimental used of muonic Xrays to look inside cultural heritage objects. Adrian is a key developer of this new technology. You may have heard of neutron activation techniques where a particle accelerator is used to bombard an object with radiation and to reading its total element make up. This older technique leaves the object radioactive for months if not years, but still has its place in scientific investigations of cultural heritage.

Muonic x-rays are also produced from a particle accelerator beam line. We capture muons and target them at the object up stream of the neutron activation stations. We can control the moment of the muon we shoot at the target and thus control the depth of penetration. The muons are captured by the neutrons within the individual atoms of the object and we then can read their decay rate using hyper-cooled germanium detectors. This scientific technique is only available at four laboratories globally and only the UK and Japanese facilities accept proposals from researchers outside their own facilities.

I cannot emphasize enough how much this is new science and very much an experimental technique. The physicists actively developing this technology say they like working with cultural heritage researchers like myself because we ask questions and present materials that are well outside the traditional sciences. I come to the project with a unique challenge and without pre-conceived notions of what is or is not possible. They tell me this lets them be better scientists in making the technology do more sooner. My first grant proved that we could in fact overcome the challenges of the heavily leaded material and through calibration and longer experimental times read the composition under the surface of the coin at different depths. But even just processing and interpreting the results after we achieved an appropriate research protocol took significant time and effort. The code of the software to interpret the readings from the sensors was being refined and further developed in the same control center side by side with us running our first experiments.

These experiments provided proof of concept and while I only show you data from two specimens and two depths each here, this first grant allowed me to successfully apply for a second.

So What Slide

This form of experimentation is time consuming and expensive, but I think it is worth it. On the screen you can see the results of multiple pXRF surface readings of the same Nemi aes grave in orange and compare this to the subsurface MuX readings on the left. The objects still seem very heavily leaded and copper content increases, just as our modeling anticipated. After my six days at MuX this coming May on my second grant, we should have a spread of data from at least three specimens of all Rome aes grave series.

This should let us confirm my hypothesis that there is a relatively stable recipe, but also see if this recipes shifts over time or even perhaps between denominations in series. We do expect small objects to cool differently than larger ones effecting how we can model the interior structure, and thus reconstruct an original recipe.

Our goal is to be able with an original recipe to being experimental archaeology wherein we reconstruct how exactly these objects were cast. We don’t even know what material was used for the molds! Once we can replicate casting we can cut a replica in half and better model the effects of various recipes on the cooling at different depth and determine what might have been the ancient manufacture process.

Additionally, I hope to test the bronze votives in a similar manner to be able to make better direct comparisons. MuX is going offline for about 6 months or more in early 2027 for upgrades which should allow for faster readings with more sensors, and this will empower isotopic analysis and comparison. This is theoretically feasible now but too time consuming with present equipment to be feasible. Isotopic analysis would be most useful for comparison of objects found at Nemi to determine if they may have had the same source metals even if those metals were heavily reused and re-mixed.

Why So Heavy slide

So if the aes grave wasn’t just an evolutionary stage on the path from primitive money to fiat currency, and was far more time consuming and resource intensive to manufacture why would the Romans have bothered to invent and maintain it as a form of money particularly during a time of intense warfare in their first conflict with Carthage and overseas campaigning. Some scholars of the third century wondered if they are really money at all but perhaps ‘only’ religious votives or scale weights. We’ve seen earlier that they are found in commercial contexts and are regular enough to be scale weights, but is there any merit in the religious connection. Can we save the baby even as we throw out the bath water?

Vicarello Coins Slide

The money displayed on the left are a small selection of those discovered at the sanctuary of Apollo at Vicarello. The display was created almost 30 years ago in Rome, although the newly appointed curator tells me she wants to take it down. It encodes for the casual viewer that evolution logic so pervasive in numismatic studies and which I’ve argued so strongly against. It does, however, do a good job of giving a sense of massiveness of this find. While workers expanding the bathing area in a catholic hospital in 1852, disrupted a surface in hot springs that had sealed the ancient deposits in the spring. With the release of pressure, literal tons of metal began shooting out of the spring within the hospital complex and it was quickly realized they dated to Roman period. Workers were then tasked with recovery of the materials for church working in water well over 120 degrees with little to no ventilation, an almost unimaginable job.

 Vicarello Silver Slide

We see a shift in votive culture from bronze monetary objects at its height in the later 3^rd century to a revival in Augustan age with silver votive vessels.

Lake of Idols Slide

Votive deposits in water are known from other Italic sites. The lake of the Idols was a source of innumerable finds that have been dispersed on the antiquities market over the sanctuaries in the early 19^th century. I mention it primarily to help you see this religious phenomenon was not particularly unique and that each site has a a slightly different if related culture offerings, even as there is significant continuity across the Italic peninsula in the forms of votives.  The 2003-2005 surveys brought to light a massive amount of aes rude and just a handful of coins.  I’ve not seen any reports yet of what these coins were or what the archaeologist mean by aes signatum in this context.

Weights on Statues Slide

Finally, I want to circle back to San Casciano Dei Bagni. I am deeply intrigued by the phenomenon of weights being inscribed on bronze statues as presented by Mattia Bischeri at the 2025 SCS. I am watching these excavations and the reports of these inscriptions closely as I believe this may give us an important clue to why aes grave was so heavy even as the metal itself need not have been particularly valuable as metal.  The weight may have been preferred for religious contexts. 

This work will continue and hope in future to share more answers…

Arachne has many images of the materials in the Copenhagen: a relatively well known collection, similar to that held at UPenn, from sales of the late 19th century post Savile Finds. Of course, it also has Nottingham materials. Other Arachne entries, were more surprising:

I at first guessed that this archaizing Apollo might be part of the tondi from the site until I saw that it is only 31 cm high, the Penn head is 44 cm and might be called classicizing. This head is made out of Luna (Carrara) marble suggesting perhaps an Augustan date. I don’t know the marble type of the other two tondi and their not listed on their museum sites. The Apollo head is said to in the museum of the ships but I don’t think I saw it there in 2023. I would have certainly remembered I feel and taken a photo. I wonder what the secondary use was that caused the funny circular patter on the side of the head.

The Arcolith Head in Copenhagen is 54 mm high and made of Parisian marble:

This larger than life-size, over 1.80 m, head of Hercules was found in 1925 in the sanctuary and is now in the baths of Diocletian in Rome. I dont’ think I’ve seen it there, and it is not in catalogue which focuses on the epigraphy of the museum. Perhaps I just wasn’t looking hard enough. Something to check on in June.

This headless statue (72 cm, italian marble) has no find date but is associated with Nemi.

This lovely portrait head (26 cm) is said to have been found in Sanctuary of Diana Nemorensis, Room Pi, West of the Theater

This woman with an unusual head scarf is said to be from Nemi and in the Baths of Diocletian but Arachne has no inventory number or find year.

The herm below can be compared with the similarly classicizing herm in Copenhagen and another at Penn. This one seems finer in execution, all represent gods.

Hever Castle (uk) has a double herm very similar to the one in Copenhagen but in worse condition.

The Sallvius bilingual inscription is in Castello Ruspoli.

On sculptures see:

Frederik Poulsen, “Nemi Studies” Acta Archaeologica, Volume 12, 1941, pp.1-52 (open access)

This book is key.

Brandt, J. Rasmus, Anne-Marie Leander Touati, Jan Zahle, and Italy Soprintendenza archeologica per il Lazio. 2000. Nemi-Status Quo : Recent Research at Nemi and the Sanctuary of Diana. Roma: “L’Erma” di Bretschneider.

I’ve ordered it and paid for expedited shipping. After it’s arrival this post will be updated.

The below examples show consistent engagement with the shrine from the highest Roman magistrates (consuls, praetors) and recognition of the site in the mid 1st century by Greek communities of Asia minor. The orthography is varied and the dating approximate but the broad historical sweep of engagement makes it clear that the aes grave finds are paralleled by other dedication of the same date.

CIL 14, 04184a

c.330-251 BCE

Cn(aeus), Q(uintus?) Et(—) med Diana 〈:dant?〉.

In Zurich

Cf. CIL 14, 04271: 〈:in fundo vasi〉Are(—) Diana.

AE 2008, 0285

c.300-271 BCE

In the Villa Guilia

Diana mereto
noutrix Paperia

ILLRP 0083

c. 300-200 BCE

Now in Villa Guilia

CIL 14, 04182a

c. 270-200 BCE

DPRR

CIL 14, 04270

c. 270-200 BCE

Now in BNF

Poublilia Turpilia Cn(aei) uxor
hoce seignum pro Cn(aeo) filiod
Dianai donum dedit.

CIL 14, 04269

c.250-230 BCE

C(aius) Manlio(s) Aci(dinus),
cosol, pro
poplo (populo)
Arimenesi (Ariminensi).

All known Manlius’ who served as consul in the 3rd and 2nd Centuries

CIL 14, 04186

c. 250-170 BCE

In Nottingham

CIL 14, 04122

c. 250-200 BCE

Now in Villa Guilia

Ov(ios) Scarbenio(s) C(ai) l(ibertus)

AE 1945, 0027

c. 250-200 BCE

On bronze:

Dianai aram <;datod?>
Ị[ov(is)?] casto.

Possibly from Norma? Possibly from Nemi?

Roma, Museo della Civiltà Romana (già Antiquario Capitolino, scatola bronzi A3). Inv. 14.009, IAC3798

CIL 14, 04268

200 BCE

C(aius) Aurilius C(ai) f(ilius)
praitor
iterum didit,
eisdim consl
probavit.

DPRR

My past thoughts on the verb probare.

AE 2014, 0290

c. 200-180 BCE

Diaṇ[ai]
C(aius) Atinị[us C(ai) (?) f(ilius)]
pr(aetor) [don(um) dat].

DPRR

AE 2007, 0307

c. 130-100 BCE

CIL 1 (2nd), 1437

c.100-70 BCE

[C(aius) Lutatius (?)] L(uci) f(ilius) Pintia
[Dian]ae d(onum) d(edit) l(ibens) m(erito).

CIL 14, 02222

c.100-50 BCE

CIL 14, 04189

c. 100-1 BCE

In Nottingham

CIL 14, 02218

c. 73 BCE

DPRR

CF.

CIL 14, 04196

c.50-1 BCE

M(arcus) Iulius M(arci) f(ilius), M(arcus) Accoleius M(arci) f(ilius), aed(iles) d(e) s(enatus) s(ententia).

Nottingham

CIL 14, 04192

c.50-1 BCE

Fortasse P. Autronius L.f. Paetus (frgg. a + b), consul designatus a. 66 a.Chr., probabiliter pater L. Autronii P.f. L.n. Paeti (PIR 2ed., A, 1680), consulis a. 33 a.Chr.; cfr. anche (4), che inquadra cronologicamente il frg. a nella seconda metà del I sec. a.C.; diversamente (3), che include dubitativamente P. Autronius [—] tra i consoli del I sec. d.C.

Roma, ex X Ripartizione AA.BB.AA. del Comune, magazzini (probabilmente portata a Roma, nella residenza sul teatro di Marcello, dagli Orsini). Inv. 4032

CIL 14, 04275a

c. 50-1 BCE

Roma, ex X Ripartizione AA.BB.AA. del Comune, magazzini. Inv. 3908

CIL 14, 04182

c.50 BCE-50 CE

Aerentịa
L(uci) f(ilia)
Dianae sacr(um)
d(onum) d(edit) l(ibens) m(erito).

In Nottingham

This below was a useful exercise, but mostly I find myself completely irritated by the lack of detail about find spots and the nature of the coins and other small finds. There is plenty of evidence of the bad blood between Orsini and Savile and their different approaches to excavation (treasure hunting). I don’t really recommend reading the stuff below unless you like me are obsessive about Nemi and then you should probably read the Italian yourself.

Here is a link to all the modern database listing of Nemi epigraphy with modern bibliography on it. A corpus of 121 inscriptions. Select review of earliest dedication and connections with Rome seem the next step.

1882: 434

“During the construction of the cast-iron siphon—intended to convey a portion of the waters from the Nemi mills to Albano—a trench was excavated along the route of the ancient Appian Way, spanning a length of over 1,500 meters; this corresponds to the distance separating the celebrated substructure of the Ariccia slope beneath Colle-Pardo from the tomb known as the Tomb of Arruns, located at the site called La Stella. The paving of the Appian Way was uncovered at several points, at varying depths, and the pipes of the siphon were laid directly upon it.

“At the precise location where the road to Vallericcia diverges from the Appian Way—situated 10 meters from the circular ruin known as Il Torrione (of the Chigi)—the remains of a noble and opulent monument were discovered. According to the opinion of the aforementioned Professor Lanciani—who was dispatched to the excavation site by the Ministry—this structure does not appear to be sepulchral in nature, particularly given that the site of the discovery seems to correspond to the interior of the ancient complex of Ariccia. Eleven marble blocks were recovered; some attain a considerable length of 2.70 meters. They belong primarily to the entablature, which is adorned with an exquisitely elegant frieze, as well as a cornice and architrave featuring intricate carving across all their constituent elements. One block retains the channels characteristic of rusticated masonry; two others belong to a large monumental inscription. This inscription—which I reproduce here based on the transcript provided by Cavaliere Lanciani—measured 1.52 meters in height and (presumably) 3.00 meters in length, and was framed by a gola molding and a listello fillet. The letters in the first line stand 0.17 meters high, while the remaining letters measure 0.14 meters.

1885:159-160

Machine translation

“In the area of ​​the Temple of Diana Nemorense, near Lake Nemi in the Giardino district, several investigations were undertaken; these led to the following discoveries, as reported by Mr. L. Borsari. The temple’s *favissae* have been identified, consisting thus far of four chambers situated at a depth of 4.50 meters below ground level. These chambers are currently filled with terracotta votive offerings—some of mediocre workmanship, but the majority of poor design. Approximately five hundred of these items have already been collected; they consist of heads, legs, hands, feet, uteri, eyes, noses, various animals, and statuettes of different deities. Several antefixes that once adorned the roofline were also discovered; among these, one depicting the effigy of Diana—adorned with a *stephane* and holding a bow and quiver—is particularly noteworthy. Furthermore, various architectural fragments were unearthed, including column drums, cornices, and friezes featuring egg-and-dart molding, dentils, and similar elements.”

1885: 192-193

“The excavations carried out at the locality known as “Il Giardino,” near the Lake of Nemi, have yielded the following discoveries.

Along the southern side of the sacred precinct—in the center of which stand the ruins of the Temple of Diana—several small chambers were excavated (albeit only partially); these were filled with votive objects made of terracotta, stone, and marble. The terracotta objects—including feet, legs, phallic symbols, hands, arms, masks, female figurines, and animal figurines—have already been described in previous reports (cf. Notizie, 1886, p. 159). To this series of terracottas must be added a series of monochrome black vessels, as well as cups featuring female protomes on the interior bowl, decorated with reddish-black lines against a yellowish background. The most noteworthy marble pieces are:

Near the chamber where the exquisite terracotta antefixes—depicting the bust of Diana flanked by the symbols of her quiver and bow—were discovered, several flat or flanged bronze pieces came to light; these appear to be roof tiles, particularly given that one of them bears the mark “XX,” corresponding to the sequential numbering of the individual components that formed the roof structure.

On the northern side of the sacred precinct, several bathing rooms were uncovered, along with traces of a piscina (pool) fed by a lead pipe bearing the inscription:

PAMPHILVS • AVG • N • SER • FEC

Finally, in the center of the platform, the perimeter walls of the sanctuary were discovered; these are constructed of tufa and peperino stone, featuring a magnificent and imposing base molding. The temple measures 15.90 meters in width (including the projection of the molding) and 30.00 meters in length. The pronaos (portico) was adorned with fluted columns made of peperino stone—which were originally covered in stucco—each measuring 0.94 meters in diameter.

1885: 227-228

“The most notable discovery made in the vicinity of the Artemision in recent weeks is that of the road descending from the Genzano saddle to the lake, leading to the platea—or sacred precinct—of the temple while skirting the northern-facing retaining wall. In the excavated section, the road measures 6.10 meters in width and reveals two distinct pavement layers superimposed upon one another—an indication of alterations made to the road’s elevation and gradient in the stretch immediately adjacent to the sanctuary. The thoroughfare is flanked by a double row of peperino pillars, spaced 5.10 meters apart from corner to corner. Running between the road and the base of the retaining wall is a crepidine (stepped platform), averaging 1.50 meters in width. The paving slopes toward the lake.

1885: 344

“Searches continued in the area of ​​the Temple of Diana Nemorensis; to the left of the precinct described in previous reports, excavations were conducted within a chamber whose nature and condition cannot yet be determined. Among the excavated spoil, a larger-than-life marble bust was discovered, which originally must have depicted Jupiter. However, due to deliberate mutilations it has undergone, it now resembles a barbarian with a thick mustache.

1896 has extensive details on ships prior to their being brought to the surface

1885: 254-255

“Continuing his excavations in the area of ​​the so-called “Garden,” His Excellency the British Ambassador has recovered the following items from the fill soil surrounding the Temple of Diana:

A very long lead pipe, bearing an impressed stamp indicating a capacity of 15 quinariae.

A small terracotta statuette—one-third life-size—of exquisite craftsmanship and modeled by hand, representing Victory.

A similar statuette, representing Diana the Huntress, with a greyhound to her right.

Another similar statuette—of great charm—featuring a hairstyle reminiscent of the finest Tanagra figurines, with a mantle draped across the bosom and the left arm bent at the elbow. It retains traces of original paint.

A terracotta antefix, likewise hand-modeled and painted. The lower half of a male figure remains, clad in a short tunic and breeches, striding toward the right.

Approximately four hundred terracotta objects: complete figures (female, male, and juvenile), heads, arms, legs, feet, symbols of generation, paired figurines, animal figurines, etc.

Vessels of bucchero and Arretine ware.

A small bronze hoe (sgomarello), with a handle measuring 0.35 meters in length, upon which a name has been incised.

Fifteen exquisitely elegant small bronze statuettes—mostly depicting Diana—in various poses.

Approximately sixty pieces of aes grave signatum (cast bronze coinage), comprising the full range of subdivisions of the as libralis down to the sextans.

Approximately two hundred asses and subdivisions thereof, of Consular coinage.

A silver denarius struck in Campania featuring the Janus-head type, with the inscription ROMA beneath the quadriga. Approximately 300 imperial bronze coins, including a large bronze or small medallion of Antoninus bearing an allocution scene. A great number of bronze implements, in fragments. Approximately 20 pieces of *aes rude*.

1885: 317-321

“The excavations carried out by His Excellency the British Ambassador have given rise, in recent days, to very notable discoveries. The immense artificial plateau of the Artemisium (45,000 m2) is limited towards the east, that is towards the mountain, by a wall which supports the vertical cut of the mountain itself. The wall is decorated with semicircular niches and with porticoes of Doric columns. In the imperial period, this portico underwent a transformation, identical to that found in the portico which surrounds the square of the Ostia theatre (see Notizie 1881, p. 10i>, plate I). Partition walls were erected between two or more consecutive columns and the rear retaining wall; in this manner, the colonnade was transformed into a row of votive cells, the width of which is constant, while the depth varies from one to three intercolumniations. Presented here is the ground plan of one such cell, partially uncovered on August 25th and 26th.

A A Partition walls in *opus reticulatum*, with brick end-piers B B, which occupy the site of two columns. C C Brick columns 1.00 m in diameter, featuring a facing of fluted stucco painted red. The capitals—of the Tuscan-Doric style and finely carved in *peperino* stone—were discovered in front of the *cella*. The columns lack bases; they rest upon large travertine blocks sheathed in marble. D D *Peperino* thresholds, one meter thick and two meters long. They feature a “blind” groove—or longitudinal channel—into which a marble parapet was set. E Entrance doorway to the *cella*, constructed as follows:

The threshold is made of marble in its front half and of peperino in its inner half. The jambs and the lintel are carved from marble. The jambs penetrate twelve centimeters into the core of the brick column, and are thereby supported by the column.

The floor of the cella consists of a chiaroscuro mosaic dating to the first century of the Empire. It comprises a broad border—or meander—featuring volutes emerging from canthari; a monochrome field (black with white cubes); and a central, white-grounded tabula ansata cartouche, within which the following inscription is rendered in letters of exquisite form:

The right-hand extremity of the epigraph must have been destroyed prior to the third century, as the restoration mosaic occupying that space is of a quality nearly equal to that of the original mosaic.

At the location marked on the plan with the letter F, a female herm of exquisite craftsmanship lay prostrate upon the floor. The shaft—the surface of which is lightly sculpted to simulate a full-length tunic cinched beneath the bust by a sash—stands 1.48 meters high, excluding the plinth and the sub-plinth. Upon the plinth—which measures… meters in height— At 0.23, the following inscription is incised in letters of moderate size:

FVNDILIA • C • F • RVFA PATRONA • DOCTI

The head—a restoration from antiquity—depicts the features of a mature woman, with a slender, aquiline nose and an expression that is somewhat sorrowful and stern. The hairstyle is characteristic: the hair is parted on the left side and smoothed down so that it creates very little volume. It is gathered into two braids which, curving upward just below the ears, terminate in a highly prominent knot atop the head.

This noblewoman must have erected other monuments and offered other gifts within the ara (altar) executed by M. Servilius Quartus. Her name appears once again on a marble plinth, broken in half:

F VNDI • C • F • RVl

There is a third broken plinth bearing the epigraph:

(tontivs • cl: f • d • d • d • l • m

that is: Dianae donum dedit libens meritae (He willingly gave this gift to Diana, in return for her favors).

A great number of votive objects were collected both inside and outside the cella described above. From the deeper strata of the sacred precinct come fragments of Italo-Greek black-glazed pottery with polychrome decoration, a most elegant phiale of polychrome glass paste, and an extraordinary quantity of aes grave signatum. Closer to the surface, mold-made terracotta figurines and bronze statuettes of exquisite craftsmanship—cast and subsequently finished with a burin—were recovered. These generally depict Diana the Huntress. I also noted a pair of shoe soles made of thin bronze sheeting.

…a small rectangular mirror—I am unsure whether of steel or silvered metal; two bronze tridents; and terracotta antefixes featuring high-reliefs depicting hunting scenes, etc.

Excavations toward the end of August progressed slowly, owing to the depth of the overburden and the obstruction caused by ruins consisting of flint shards. In the cella of M. Servilius Quartus—described previously—the following objects were discovered:

a) A herm of bigio marble, similar to that of Fundilia Rufa; the head—which had been reattached in antiquity—has not yet been recovered. Upon the chest, it bears the following inscription:

Q^HOSTIVS • CLi F • CAPITO RHETOR

b) A fragment of a plain frieze, bearing the following initials:

A L I S

c) Several large bipedalis tiles, bearing a circular stamp:

0 d DIONYS DOMIT P F LVCIL PAETETAPRCOS X

d) 6.75 meters of elegantly carved cornice. Within the coffers situated between the small modillions, the following symbols are carved in high relief: small rosettes, helmets, breastplates, greaves, small round shields (parmulae), quivers, bows, tortoises, bull’s heads, asps, frogs, and fish. Situated in front of the temple façade—and at a distance of approximately fifteen meters from it—a wall of ashlar masonry was discovered, constructed with singular precision. It is not possible to pass judgment upon these structures surrounding the main sanctuary until a ground plan and a double cross-section have been surveyed; what is certain, however, is that the sacred precinct—fully three hundred meters in length and one hundred and fifty in width, and originally entirely open—eventually became crowded, over time, with an almost continuous array of buildings, the most recent of which date to the 2nd century of the Empire. I have compiled the catalogue of the most ancient sacred votive deposit discovered to date; it would be futile to publish it before the excavations are complete. I will mention only that, at present, it consists of eighteen pieces of aes rude and one hundred and twenty-two pieces of aes grave signatum, subdivided as follows: nine libral asses, three semisses, thirty-two trientes, twenty quadrantes, twenty-six sextantes, and thirty-two unciae.

To this series must be added approximately one thousand coins, comprising both Italo-Greek and Republican issues. Imperial coins are very few in number—perhaps twenty or so.

Discovered within a drainage channel was a bronze object of exquisite archaic craftsmanship and perfect patina: it depicts a Faun—bearded (with a pointed beard), tailed, and ithyphallic. It is possible that this object served as the handle for the lid of a cista—a hypothesis further supported by the fact that, in that very same location, I observed fragments of a cylindrical vessel made of sheet metal scattered among the soil.

Along the left flank of the temple, a great number of terracotta stands for votive offerings have also been uncovered. These take the form of small columns—hollow on the interior—ranging in height from 50 to 60 centimeters. Their bases are sometimes square (comprising a plinth and a *torus* molding) and sometimes round (consisting solely of a plinth); the vertical face of the plinth, or the curved surface of the *torus*, bears geometric ornamentation—executed in red against a white background—which, at first glance, resembles lettering. Both the square and the round bases are pierced by four holes, through which lead-set pins were passed.

1887: 23-25

New excavations in the area of ​​the Temple of Diana, conducted from December 17, 1886, to January 31, 1887. Report by Mr. Luigi Borsari. On the 17th of last December, new archaeological investigations were undertaken by Mr. Luigi Boccanera in the area of ​​the Temple of Diana Nemorense, on the shores of Lake Nemi, within the tract of land known as Prato-Giardino, owned by Prince Don Filippo Orsini. Systematic excavations were carried out, commencing at the center of the temple’s second large terrace—where remains of colossal arches still stand, built to withstand the thrust of the hillside—and where, two years ago Excavations were carried out in search of artifacts, as reported in the Notizie of 1885 (cf. pp. 159, 227, 317, 344, 428, 478).

To date, no remains of buildings have come to light. Only a few rows of peperino blocks were noted—blocks which I believe belonged to the pavement level of the quadriporticus—a hypothesis further supported by the discovery of a small drain, constructed from hollowed-out slabs of Gabine stone.

Much as in the previous excavations, an extraordinary quantity of votive offerings is being uncovered. These consist almost entirely of bronze objects, scattered at a depth of approximately 4.00 meters within a stratum of ash, charcoal, and marshy soil—a layer running parallel to the level of the paved platform (platea) and having an average thickness of 0.50 meters. In certain spots, there is not merely a single layer, but several, superimposed one upon the other.

Foremost among these objects, the coins deserve special mention; by the end of January, their total count had reached 824. They present no peculiarities of any kind; indeed, they are all common and well-known types. Many are pieces of aes grave, pertaining exclusively to Latium, and consistently reproduce the standard types of the as, triens, quadrans, and sextans—types illustrated in Plates XXXIV–XXXVII of Garrucci’s Monete d’Italia (Rome, 1885).

Other coins are of Campanian mintage and of equally familiar types, depicting Mercury on the obverse and a ship’s prow on the reverse; or the head of Apollo or Minerva on the obverse, with an anthropomorphic bull—crowned by Victory—on the reverse; or, finally, the radiant head of the Sun on the obverse, with the bust of a horse on the reverse. Four silver coins were also recovered, one of which was in excellent condition; its obverse bears the well-known type of the beardless Janus head, while the reverse depicts Jupiter hurling a thunderbolt from a quadriga driven by Victory, with the legend ROMA inscribed beneath (cf. Garrucci, op. cit., Plate LXXVIII).

The bronze votive figurines recovered to date total 57; they average between 7 and 8 centimeters in height, and almost all depict Diana the Huntress. Some portray the Lares; however, for the most part, they are extremely crude works, entirely devoid of artistic merit.

Of fine design and in excellent condition, however, is a small bronze statuette depicting Diana the Huntress in the act of drawing her bow. It stands 0.25 meters tall, and beneath its feet, it retains very long, curved pins that served to anchor it to its base.

Of particular interest for the study of figurative antiquities is a small herm of Juno—also in bronze—standing 0.49 meters tall and executed in a style leaning toward the Archaic. The goddess is adorned with stephanai (crowns), and of her body, only the breasts and knees are articulated, indicated by corresponding raised bosses. Her feet are encased in a type of pointed, narrow, and curved shoe (calceoli repandi), similar to those seen in depictions of Juno Sospita or Juno of Lanuvium.

On a small vessel with an inverted rim—0.07 meters in height and notable for the beautiful patina covering it—the following legend can be seen incised (graffito) around the rim:

CN-Q-ET-MED- DIANA

A block of extremely compact Gabine stone bears the following archaic inscription, carved in fine characters:

DIANA

M-LIVIO:-M-<F PRAITOR-DEDIT

The stone—measuring 0.57 x 0.57 meters and terminating at the bottom in two small feet—undoubtedly served as the base for a statue of nearly life-size proportions, as evidenced by the impressions of feet and pins remaining on the upper surface of the block.

Furthermore, the hypothesis that this statue represented the Goddess named in the inscription is supported by the discovery of a bronze quiver found at the same site.

Finally, the following objects were recovered: a carnelian scarab—slightly damaged near the head—featuring a carved figure of a Satyr on its reverse side; one gold ring, three silver rings, and twelve bronze rings; fragments of thin gold foil; two small globes of enameled glass paste; and two hundred and two miscellaneous bronze fragments—including a great number of small bronze buttons of a conchoidal shape with convex shanks, varying widely in diameter.

1887: 120-121

Nemi — The excavations undertaken by Mr. Luigi Boccanera in the area of ​​the renowned Temple of Diana on Lake Nemi were continued throughout the month of March and yielded new objects belonging to the votive deposit of that sanctuary. With the exception of a few terracotta figurines—of common forms and possessing no artistic merit—the other pieces are, for the most part, made of bronze; coins predominate among them, having been collected in the hundreds, and must be added to those previously reported (cf. Notizie 1887, p. 24). Bronze objects of the Latium type are relatively rare; conversely, coins of Campanian mintage are abundant. Several silver coins were also recovered. The other bronze objects consist of votive statuettes, animal effigies, spearheads, nails, rings, vessel handles, and buttons. Particularly noteworthy is a small bronze vessel, 0.06 meters in height, preserved in its entirety and complete with its handle; in form, it resembles another vessel upon whose rim appears the inscription reproduced on page 24 of the aforementioned Notizie. On the bottom of this new votive offering, too, is incised an inscription in exceptionally clear characters, which reads:

ARR: DIANA

Also worthy of close attention are two bronze plaques inscribed with votive legends, reproductions of which—rendered via phototype process at actual size—are provided here.

The first plaque—0.17 meters in length and 0.035 meters in height (Plate III, Fig. 1)—bears an inscription executed with a chisel in exceptionally clear fashion:

POVBLILIA-TVRPDILIA:CN-VXOR HOCE: SEIGNVM-PRO-CN-FILIOD DIANAI: DONVM- DEDIT . Following the letter R at the end of the first line, and beneath the letters IA of DIANAI at the beginning of the third line, one can discern the holes through which the nails passed to secure the plaque in place. Another small hole is situated beneath the final letter of TVRMILIA, positioned between the first and second lines. The second plaque—being thinner, and consequently less well-preserved (Plate III, Fig. 2)—nevertheless displays a legend that remains almost entirely intact, even though it was executed in fine, shallow strokes and inscribed by an unsteady hand. That nothing is missing can be established by the symmetrical arrangement of the words, as well as by the physical evidence: specifically, the presence of two holes—one on the right and one on the left—intended for the insertion of nails; these holes were, as a general rule, positioned at the points where the inscription concluded. If this interpretation is correct, only a single difficulty arises in the reading of this inscription—specifically within the first line, or rather, confined to the very last letter of that line—given that the initial letter C is perfectly legible. We would therefore have:

C-MANLIO:A (1)

COSOL-:PRO . POPLO

ARI MI

It does not appear that the final letter of the first line should be read as an O; for although open-bottomed Os are indeed visible elsewhere on the bronze itself, it never happens that one of the lateral strokes fails to show at least a slight curvature—whereas in the present instance, the right-hand stroke would descend in a perfectly straight line. It would, conversely, be a straightforward matter to read CI; and thus to link these two letters to the preceding A, recognizing therein the beginning of the cognomen ACIdinus—thereby attributing the entire inscription to the consul Manlius Acidinus, who held the fasces in the year 575 ab urbe condita (179 B.C.E.). This hypothesis would be corroborated by the fact that, on the authority of Julius Obsequens (Ch. 7; C.I.L. I, p. 486), this consul’s praenomen was precisely C(aius)—as appears on our bronze—whereas all other documentary sources assign him the praenomen L(ucius) (cf. C.I.L. I, 588, and the Fasti Capitolini, ibid., p. 436). However, the matter would remain open to doubt due to the omission of the patronymic; not to mention that there would be insufficient space remaining to accommodate the entirety of this cognomen—just as it would be exceedingly difficult to explain the nature of this consul’s connection to the Ariminenses.

1887: 195-198

Excavations in the Area of ​​the Temple of Diana. Report by Mr. Luigi BORSARI. Continuing throughout the month of April and into the first days of May, excavations in the center of the second terrace of the Temple of Diana Nemorense (cf. *Notizie* 1887, p. 120) yielded further artifacts constituting the sacred votive deposit—items similar to those described in previous reports. Once again, bronze coins were recovered—mostly Latium *asses* and coins of Campanian mintage—along with small bronze figurines depicting Diana the Huntress; various animal figures; buttons and rings; spearheads; tridents; and fibulae. A small silver *simpulum* (ladle) merits particular attention; measuring 0.08 meters in length, it features a curved handle terminating in the form of a swan’s neck and head. Inscribed upon the handle, using a technique of dense, minute dotting, is the legend: OV – SCARBENIO – CL. Subsequently, several rectangular tufa bases intended to support statuettes—likely of Diana—were recovered; the lead-set dowels used to secure the statuettes in place remain visible on the upper surfaces of the bases. The largest of these bases measures 0.47 x 0.27 x 0.25 meters and bears the following inscription: | AVRILIVS:C-F PORZIO R ITERVMESSDIDII \EISDEM: CONS©L | PROBAVIT The indication of paternity demonstrates beyond doubt that this individual was C. Aurelius C. f. C. n. Cotta, who—together with P. Sulpicius Ser. f. P. n. Galba Maximus II—held the consular office in the year 554 *ab urbe condita* (cf. *CIL* I, p. 496, 526), ​​having attained the praetorship two years prior (Liv. xxx, 26). The smaller piece measures 0.29 m by 0.16 m and is fragmentary; consequently, of the inscription engraved upon it, only the following remains: 2 LEACIIVS=L: QCALLVS Ti o £ Furthermore, the following two fragments were recovered. One—on a chip of tufa measuring 0.13 m by 0.09 m—bears the letters: Li

The other, on a marble slab measuring 0.11 x 0.06 meters, bears the following inscription in fine lettering:

ONIVS AE:D:V:

ANI

The latter half of May was devoted to completing the excavation of the cella situated in the center of the substruction wall—specifically, within the vertical face cut into the eastern side of the hill. It was in this very cella that poorly directed investigations had been conducted two years earlier, when excavations were carried out on behalf of His Excellency the British Ambassador to our Court. A plan illustrating said cella, together with a description of the objects discovered therein, was published by the distinguished Professor Lanciani in the Notizie (1885, pp. 317 ff.); furthermore, extensive commentary regarding this same discovery was provided by the distinguished Helbig in the Bullettino dell’Istituto for the same year (pp. 225 ff.).

The most significant objects recovered during this initial phase of excavations were: the herm of Fundilia Rufa, surmounted by a portrait bust (Notizie 1885, p. 319; Bull. Inst., p. 227); and the shafts—lacking their busts—of the herms of Q. Zostius Q. f. Capito, rhetor (Notizie, loc. cit., p. 320; Bull. Inst., p. 236); of Z. Aenius Faustus, quart(arum) par(asitus) Apol(linis); of Licinia Chrysario; and of Staia L. l. Quinta (Notizie, loc. cit., p. 479; Bull. Inst., loc. cit., p. 286).

The fact that the excavations conducted in 1885 had indeed been poorly directed has now been conclusively demonstrated: within the very chamber where investigations had previously been abandoned—on the assumption that the site would yield no further archaeological harvest—several sculptures of considerable merit were subsequently recovered, as shall be noted in the details that follow. To better assess the matter, one need only cast a glance at the illustrative plan appended here, comparing it with the one depicting the chamber itself, published in MNozzzie (1885), p. 318.

The superimposed bust is a work of fine craftsmanship, reminiscent of the style of the early Imperial period, and depicts an adult male with short hair and no beard.

H: Marble statue, 1.78 meters in height, depicting a woman of a matronly type—

of mature age, slender, with an aquiline nose—clad in a full-length tunic with fine pleats

and a voluminous mantle. On the plinth, the following inscription can be read:

FVNDILIAE – C – F. PATRONAE

The head is a separate attachment and bears a striking resemblance to the one affixed to the herm of Fundilia Rufa, discovered during previous excavations at the spot marked on the plan with the letter I, as mentioned above. In this new head, too, the hairstyle is distinctive. Two braids, descending behind the ears, are gathered at the crown of the head and tied together there with a ribbon. However, the knot that would have formed at this point—as seen on the previously discovered head—is missing; nevertheless, the dowel that supported it remains visible, indicating that it had fallen off in antiquity.

I: Marble statue, 1.15 meters in height, depicting a figure of mature age, clad in a toga and adopting an oratorical pose. On the plinth, the following can be read:

| _ C* FVNDILIVS : DOCTVS – APOLLINIS – PARASIT

The same inscription is repeated on the scrinium (scroll case), located at the bottom right,

and is arranged as follows:

C- FVNDILIVS DOCTVS : APOLLINIS: PARASITVS:-

LZ: Herm featuring a female bust, bearing the following inscription:

STAIA:= Le L’*QOWNINFA

The superimposed head depicts a woman in the prime of life—of striking beauty—with her hair parted down the middle; it is smooth at the crown, then falls in ringlets at the sides before being gathered into braids at the nape of the neck, in keeping with the fashion of the early years of the Empire. This excellent sculpture finds a close parallel in the bust of Minatia Polla, discovered in the tomb of Sulpicius Platorinus—located near the Aurelian Wall within the gardens of the Farnesina—and described in the Notizie of 1880 (p. 133, Plate V, Fig. 2). Another herm shaft bearing the name of this freedwoman was discovered during earlier excavations, as previously noted above. M: A head that fits perfectly, and which must therefore be attributed to the herm of Q. Hostius Q. f. Capito, the rhetorician—a herm discovered in 1885, as also mentioned above. It portrays a man of mature age, with a noble, stern expression and a distinctly Roman physiognomy; he possesses regular features, very short hair, and is beardless. Finally, three life-size marble heads were recovered, two of which are female portraits: one of a young woman, the other of an elderly woman. The third head appears to represent another portrait of C. Fundilius Doctus, adorned with a convivial wreath. The presence of both a statue and a herm dedicated to this same individual should come as no surprise, given that a statue and a herm had also been placed in this very
shrine in honor of Fundilia Rufa.

1888: 193-196

Early in the current year, excavations resumed on the property of Prince Orsini—specifically at the locality known as Prato-Giardino near Nemi—where the remains of the famous Temple of Diana Nemorensis lie concealed. The initial exploratory probes, conducted at the site excavated during the previous year (cf. *Notizie* 1887, p. 23 et seq.)—that is, almost precisely at the center of the temple’s second large terrace—yielded three terracotta antefixes depicting female heads. One of these, nearly intact, bears the attributes of Diana—namely, a bow and a quiver—and closely resembles those discovered in previous years (*Notizie* 1885, p. 193). Also recovered from the site were a large iron knife, a spear shaft of the same metal, and the upper-left corner of a large bronze cornice, which still bears the inscription:

LAVRENTES

P LVCRETI CLEMENT

Furthermore, one hundred and forty-three bronze coins of various sizes were recovered, identical in every respect to those discovered previously (cf. *Notizie* 1887, p. 24); along with several votive figurines in bronze and terracotta, and various *ex-votos*—specifically hands, feet, and legs—as well as miscellaneous bronze fragments of no particular significance.

Additional investigations were conducted on the eastern side of the temple, adjacent to the *cella* that had been brought to light—partly in 1885 and partly in 1887—the ground plan of which was published on page 196 of the *Notizie* for the latter year. According to reports submitted by Mr. Borsari, three other *cellae* belonging to the temple were identified; however, these had been stripped of their contents and were, in terms of architectural decoration, considerably less elaborate than the *cella* mentioned above.

Among the objects recovered were: An iron knife, measuring … meters in length. 0.25 x 0.03 m, with a ring—likewise of iron—at the end of the handle. An iron bell with a clapper, 0.07 m high and 0.04 m in diameter. A male torso of white marble, 0.40 m high, heavily damaged. A male head of white marble—undoubtedly a portrait—which must have originally been mounted upon a herm shaft. A small terracotta amphora with two handles, broken at the rim, 0.25 m high. A white marble plinth—fragmentary and heavily eroded by the action of water—measuring 0.30 x 0.25 m; on its front face, the final portion of a dedicatory inscription remains visible, executed in letters of mediocre quality that are now quite faint. It reads:

The dots are uncertain. Finally, a small base of black marble was discovered; it must have originally supported a small bronze statuette, the lead-set pins for which still remain in place. The base is perfectly square; it measures 0.12 m per side and bears inscriptions on three of its faces, with a distinct epigraph on each. As revealed by an examination of paper squeezes, the text reads:

Subsequently, a highly significant epigraphic fragment was discovered, the text of which is derived from a paper squeeze. It is incised upon a slab of white marble—0.12 meters high and 0.22 meters wide—and almost certainly served to adorn the pediment of a small votive shrine dedicated to the Goddess for the well-being of the family of Emperor Claudius. It reads as follows:

The name of the dedicant remains unknown—he who, for the well-being of the members of the Imperial family and as a votive offering to the Goddess [imp(eri0) Dia(nae)], dedicated a perpetual lamp to the Goddess herself within that shrine, which our marble slab once adorned.

Excavations in the Santa Maria District. Note by Mr. Luigi Borsari.

On November 7th of last year, Mr. Luigi Boccanera undertook a series of archaeological investigations in the Santa Maria district, within the territory of the Municipality of Nemi—specifically on the plots of land designated by cadastral map numbers 931–940.

Located at this site are magnificent ruins belonging to a spacious apsidal hall, or—more likely—to a vast nymphaeum. The vault is truncated shortly after its springing point, and the curved wall upon which it rests is constructed of fine brickwork. Set into this wall are four ornamental niches.

The investigations conducted within the center of this nymphaeum demonstrated that the structure had been left unfinished by the ancients themselves, for reasons that we are certainly unable to surmise.

The yield of this excavation amounts to very little: specifically, five fragments of grey marble columns (0.50 meters in diameter), and two granite columns—broken into multiple pieces—measuring 2.85 meters in length and 0.47 meters in diameter. Additionally, several fragments of figured terracotta were collected; these are quite common and are typical of the clay friezes frequently encountered at ancient suburban sites.

Since these investigations proved fruitless, Mr. Luigi Boccanera shifted his inquiries to the adjacent property, owned by Mr. Giuseppe Monti, DIS, Map No. 945.

Located at this site was a section of a substantial and magnificent villa—a complex of structures that extends for some distance into the adjacent vineyards and onto land owned by the Sforza-Cesarini family.

The building conforms to the typical style of Roman villas: that is, it consists of large, superimposed terraces. The upper level is paved with large slabs of white marble and rests upon spacious vaults, which are supported by sturdy walls of opus reticulatum dating to the first century of the Empire.

The lower level is constructed of simple lime mortar. The villa remained inhabited until late antiquity—a fact attested to by a few very coarse and common ceramic fragments (such as oil lamps), and, above all, by the restorations carried out on the original structures. The opulence of the villa is borne out by the multitude of marble fragments of every color, as well as by traces of painted plaster that once adorned its walls.

It is impossible to adequately describe the devastation and ruin suffered by this edifice—whether at the hands of man, or due to the lateral thrust of the mountain and the subsequent landslides that occurred over the course of centuries.

Among the architectural decorative elements are several Corinthian capitals, a few white marble column bases, and a fluted gray marble pilaster, broken at its upper section.

In several rooms situated on the first terrace of the villa—the floors of which lie barely above the water level of Lake Nemi—the following objects were discovered:

a) Six herm shafts, fashioned from white and gray marble, measuring a total of 1.40 m x 0.34 m x 0.23 m. One of these bears an inscription carved into its upper section:

MENANAPOZ

Below this, a recess is visible within the marble—the socket into which a bronze phallus was originally intended to be set.

To one of the remaining five shafts belongs a marble female head of the Apollonian type. This sculpture underwent extensive restoration in antiquity.

b) Fragments of the shafts of elegant marble candelabra, adorned with leaf motifs.

c) A magnificent rectangular basin (vasca) of Porta Santa marble, measuring 0.78 m in height, 1.40 m in length, and 0.30 m in thickness.

d) Fragments of the rim of a large white marble krater (mixing bowl), decorated with ovolo and fluting motifs. e) Various pieces of a marble screen.

f) Shaft of a herm, made of light green marble.

g) Various marble fragments, among which the following are noteworthy: part of a human head; part of a life-size leg; a small lion, lacking its head and legs.

h) Piece of white marble, trapezoidal in shape, measuring 0.57 x 0.21 m, bearing the following letters incised on its upper surface:

GL

i) Circular plinth of white marble, 0.78 m in diameter, with three handles along its circumference—similar to those currently used on rotating statue plinths.

!) Fragments of a terracotta frieze, depicting in high relief the scene of Pasiphaë and Daedalus, featuring the wooden cow constructed by the latter. It is identical to the terracotta piece published by Campana in Plate LIX. [Louvre plaque of the same type acquired 1862 another acquired same date]

m) Fragments of other terracotta friezes, reproducing the well-known depictions of the Satyrs’ grape harvest and of masks amidst attributes of Neptune—similar to those published by Campana in Plates XXXIX and XL.

n) Large bipedal tiles, one of which bears an impressed stamp (Marini 815): (Cn. Domiti Am)oeni: May he who made this prosper A ribbon-tied wreath flanked by two palm branches o) On one tile, a rectangular stamp is legible, bearing the name A#i(us) in ligature (cf. C.I.L. XIV, 4090, 28): Caduceus — ZI — Palm branch

1888: 392-394

Excavations in the Area of ​​the Temple of Diana. Note by Mr. Luci BORSARI.

The excavations, which continued in the area of ​​the Temple of Diana Nemorense (cf. Notizie 1888, p. 193) from mid-March of last year through the end of May—at which point the excavations were suspended—have brought to light numerous additional pieces from the abundant sacred votive deposit scattered across the entire second terrace of the temple.

The collected objects may be enumerated as follows: — Bronze. Approximately two hundred and thirty coins, the majority of Campanian mintage and of a common type. More interesting—albeit common—are the pieces of aes grave of Latium origin, reproducing the types of the asses, trientes, quadrantes, and sextantes, which were previously discussed in Notizie 1887, p. 24.

A small vessel, 0.10 m in height.

The foot of a statuette.

Five figurines depicting Diana the Huntress, armed with a bow; height: 0.08 m.

Three rods, 0.14 m in length.

A small cup, 0.03 m in height and 0.035 m in diameter.

An almond-shaped pendant.

A quadrangular bell measuring 0.04 m × 0.04 m × 0.034 m.

A trident.

Nine large fibulae, several pins, and various convex buttons of differing diameters.

Iron. Three spearheads: one 0.28 m in length, and two measuring 0.39 m. A knife blade, 0.12 m in length. A small hammer, 0.34 m in length.

Terracotta. Eleven votive statuettes, approximately 0.18 m in height. Votive hands and feet.

A six-spouted lamp, bearing the stamp: L-MVNSVC

Another lamp with the stamp: L::MVNTHRE. Another, featuring a decoration of theatrical masks on its upper surface, and bearing the stamp FORTIS underneath. Two other lamps, lacking any maker’s mark.

Glassware: A lachrymatory and a small globular bead intended for a necklace. Among the inscribed objects, the following were recovered: A small fragment of slate, measuring 0.45 x 0.24 m, upon which the following letters remain:

Rogi. A fragment of travertine, measuring 0.17 x 0.14 x 0.10 m, upon which one reads: L’F’PINTIA dian\AE + D’D’L-M.

A marble base, measuring 0.53 x 0.37 x 0.28 m. It bears the following dedicatory inscription:

ocra z A GRAE [e 2 |N IVNONI | d. sl

2. Excavations in the Santa Maria District.

In the *Notizie* [Archaeological News] of the current year (p. 194), mention was made of the archaeological investigations undertaken by Mr. Luigi Boccanera in the Santa Maria district—within the territory of Nemi—specifically on the estate owned by Mr. Giuseppe Monti. It was likewise noted that the magnificent and prominent villa then being uncovered appeared to extend into the adjoining Sforza-Cesarini property as well. Now, however, the excavations have demonstrated that the complex of ancient structures constituting that *suburbanum Nemorense* (Nemi suburban estate) terminated precisely at the modern boundary between the two aforementioned properties.

The objects collected on the Monti estate offer nothing singular and are limited to the following: — An ornamental bronze boss featuring a protome of Diana, with a quiver hanging from her shoulders. A solid lead disc was subsequently attached to this bronze piece, which was then utilized as a counterweight; it stands 0.12 meters high. A coin of Augustus, bearing the reverse inscription: Providentia Augusti. A small bronze lid, 0.14 meters in diameter. Fragments of terracotta decoration.

These objects were discovered inside a small chamber with opus reticulatum walls, measuring 4.70 meters in length and 2.20 meters in width. The walls were preserved to a height of 3.20 meters. Upon the completion of these excavations, Mr. Luigi Boccanera conducted further investigations in the locality known as Zancioni—on an estate owned by Ms. Francesca De Angelis—situated within the area of ​​the first large terrace of the Temple of Diana, on the southwest side of said sanctuary.

Several buttressed piers were brought to light; these served as substructures for the temple’s intermediate terrace. Their construction is identical to the defensive masonry works found on the adjacent property, in the locality known as Prato-giardino.

Among the finds were a remarkably well-preserved bronze coin of Lucilla, and several insignificant fragments of Arretine ware cups; on one of these fragments, within a small cartouche, the following stamp—rendered in raised letters—can be read:

SATVRN

This stamp belongs to the renowned potter Saturninus, who worked in the workshop of M. Perennius.

1888: 709-708

New excavations in the area of ​​the Temple of Diana. Report by Prof. R. LANCIANI.

Mr. Luigi Boccanera has undertaken, with permission from the Ministry, antiquities research on the Marianicci estate, known as Giardino, in the Nemi area. The work has not uncovered any written or sculpted monuments, but it is of considerable topographical and architectural interest. They have already demonstrated that the sanctuary of Diana Nemorensis did not occupy only the artificial esplanade of the “Garden,” however vast it appears to us, but that it extended with its outbuildings far beyond the peribole, on the north, east, and south sides. Only the west side appears to have contained no outbuildings, so that nothing would disturb the beautiful view of the lake and its crater-shaped basin, which can be enjoyed both from the temple’s summit and from the edge of the esplanade.

The Marianicci estate borders the peribole on the eastern side, which faces the mountain. It appears to contain a building arranged in terraces and steps, constructed with irregular pieces of peperino, and covered with round vaults. Four rooms were discovered there. The first and second rooms, each measuring 5.70 x 3.00 m, have …a mosaic pavement composed of large, irregular tesserae: the third room (towards the right) features a floor of *opus signinum* and walls covered in fine plaster, with a yellow-ground dado, white-ground panels, and bands of dark red (*morellone*). A fragment of plaster preserves the figure of a wading bird, painted with great spontaneity and vividness of color. Among the rubble, the following items were recovered: a piece of roof tile bearing a rectangular stamp with large letters reading L:DOMI/; an Arretine ware cup; an *as uncialis* coin; and a bone pin. I have examined the inscribed marble slab mentioned in the *Notizie* of last June (p. 393). I reproduce its text here because the third line requires emendation, and also to note that the object in question is not a statue base, but rather a *pulvinated* altar: OCTA\ & GRAE |N IVNONI| |D|d.

CHRR BRO

Original 1902 publication

The amazing thing about this hoard is that it really seems to close with RRC 437/4a and have nothing between that issue and RRC 434/2 and issues associated with 54 and 55 BCE. Even more amazing is that it seems to be a genuinely sealed pot in which it was found and to have been presented to the museum in Turin complete. Exceptionally rare for an accidental find. Even more intriguing is whether this hoard is still in Turin and can be consulted as a hoard today?! Could some even be published in Fava’s catalogue of controlmarks?! Broni seems a long way from Turin… Why bring it there?

Machine Translation

“On October 9th, a certain Maria Bazzini presented to the Royal Museum of Antiquities in Turin a group of Roman consular coins, providing to the distinguished Commendatore E. Schiaparelli—Director of that Institute—and to the undersigned the following information, which I am pleased to recount here to accompany this report. Specifically, she related that while her brother was carrying out some very deep trenching work to plant a vineyard on a hillside farm near Broni—and more precisely in the vicinity of Cascina Rovescala—a small terracotta “money box,” little larger than a lemon, was discovered at a depth of nearly two meters. Upon breaking it open with a spade, he found within it—intermingled with clayey soil—some coins which initially appeared to be copper but, once washed and cleaned, were recognized as silver. A few days after the discovery took place—so the lady asserted—this small hoard was presented, on a preliminary basis, to the Museum for examination. If one could place full reliance upon the account regarding the discovery—particularly concerning the nature and shape of the vessel in which the coins were found—we would have here a new and complete example of those money boxes, or *thesauroi*, of which Graeven (!) recently compiled an entire series, suitably illustrating them in the *Annals of the German Archaeological Institute*.

“However, regarding the character of the find as a hoard or treasure trove, an examination of the coins appears to fully corroborate the account given by Signora Bazzini; indeed, in her complete ignorance of the actual or scientific value and interest of the collection, she did not seem capable of— through inaccuracies or subterfuge—compromising the authenticity of her story. The coins submitted for examination number 100, of which precisely 90 are identifiable; all are silver, and the vast majority are denarii. They span the period from approximately 149 to 54 B.C. The oldest among them show signs of having remained in circulation for a long time—and of having passed through many hands—as they are considerably worn, though none (with the exception of a few quinarii) are rendered unrecognizable. Conversely, the more recent coins in the group—such as the Plautia, Fonteia, Hosidia, and Nonia issues, among others—are in a state of excellent preservation.

…

A hoard of denarii was found in V.4.3 Pompeii. House. Casa di un Flamine. Excavated 1842 and 1899. Bombed in 1943.

There are some republican specimens, all very worn, but the most exciting thing about this hoard is that it helps us understand the domestic context in which coins were stored along side other valuable artifacts, including representations of the household gods.

NSc 1899

Machine translations

“… in the room opening onto the eastern side of the small atrium, the hollow impressions of two small cupboards—each resting upon a rectangular terracotta base—were discovered on the 9th. One of the two small cupboards apparently contained a small drawer, the ornamentation of which included several spiral-shaped rods and strips of glass paste. The objects found therein are as follows:

A hoard consisting of one hundred and thirty silver coins and fifty-four bronze coins, classified as follows by my colleague, Prof. Ettore Gabrici:

The Republican denarii are all worn, unlike the Imperial ones—particularly those of Vespasian, Titus, and Domitian—which are all in mint condition (*ruspide*).

Among the sestertii of Nero featuring the triumphal arch on the reverse, there is one weighing 37.04 grams. Among the dupondii of the same emperor, the following specimen—not yet represented in the Naples collection—is worthy of note: IMP · NERO · CLAVD · CAESAR · AVG · GERM · P.M. · TR.P. · XII · P.P. — Head of Nero facing right, wearing a radiate crown. — Rev: ROMA (in the exergue). Roma, armed, seated to the left. resting her right hand on a spear shaft and her left elbow on a *clipeus*; on either side appear the letters S C.

The *denarius* of Roscius Fabatus (Mommsen-Blacas no. 300) features a rare symbol behind the head of Juno: specifically, a herm of Silenus.

The following items were also recovered from the aforementioned hollow impressions: —

Gold. A very small earring (?) formed of two tiny hoops. — Silver. A spoon with a handle terminating in a pig’s hoof, and a fragmentary *simpulum*. —

Bronze. Three statuettes: namely, a *Genius familiaris* (0.08 m high, including the base) and two *Lares* (0.125 m high)—figures which, however, bear a cornucopia and a *patera*, the very same attributes as the *Genius* (Fig. 1). Furthermore—also in bronze—a *lagena* with detached handles; a small jar with a detached base and handle; a sort of small basket with hinged handles; a stand or base in the form of a tripod, featuring lion-paw feet interspersed with openwork foliage; another similar, smaller stand; a funnel; a saucepan bearing the well-known maker’s mark on its handle (C.I.L. X, 8071, 29); two pairs of tweezers; a small needle for making sacks; a surgical probe (*specillum*); a bracelet (*armilla*); three escutcheons from locks; eight studs fitted with rings; a very small steelyard beam with a conical sliding weight; three small handles fitted with hooks; two door staples; small herringbone-pattern chains attached to rings; and a netting needle.

Amber. A seated, draped figurine (headless); a seated *putto* (lacking the right arm and the tips of the feet); and a fragmentary, unrecognizable quadruped figurine.

Marble. A statuette of Venus Anadyomene (0.365 m high, including the circular base), notable for the red paint applied to the drapery resting upon the *alabastron* positioned beside her, and for traces of gilding on the hair, navel, and pubic area; across her chest runs the customary long, crossed golden cord (Fig. 2). A marble egg—specifically of *marmor Africanum*—was also recovered.

Glass: A small cup containing yellow pigment; two other small vessels featuring an elliptical escutcheon engraved with the figure of a nude hero resting his right hand upon his helmet (Achilles preparing to arm himself?). Furthermore—also of glass—nine unguent bottles, two small jars, a perforated button, and thirteen standard buttons (plus half of another) were found.

Rock Crystal: A tiny stopper, perforated at the top.

…

NSc 1897

Machine translation:

“But the most remarkable object brought to light by these excavations is a nearly rectangular bone strip, which served as a measuring rule for a Roman foot. Slightly more than half of it has survived, and—as can be seen here—it bears incisions on both sides (Fig. 6a–d). It measures 170 millimeters in length and 18 millimeters in width, and is divided into 20 sections formed by four groups of five. At the third line—starting from the intact end—a small triangle has been added, with its vertex pointing downward. Similarly, a like triangle has been added at the fifth line. At the eighth line, two triangles formed of dots have been added; they share the dividing line as a common base, but their vertices point in opposite directions—an arrangement that serves as an indicator. At the 148-millimeter mark—which constitutes exactly half of the 296 millimeters corresponding to the Roman foot—the significance of the divisional lines (each representing a *digitus*, or finger-breadth) becomes clear. There is also a notch. On the reverse side of this same measuring instrument (Fig. 6e), two small lines—each consisting of three dots—can be seen positioned at the 0.07-meter mark. This indicates that the reverse side of our instrument also served to measure the Roman foot, albeit divided into only four sections. Two bone strips found at Pompeii are quite similar to this one, as they, too, represent the Roman half-foot. However, those examples are fitted with small bronze plates at their ends and feature hinges designed to allow the other half of the measuring rule to fold back upon itself—much like a modern folding ruler.”

A quick google would not reveal an image of the Pompeii ruler but when I find one you know I’ll come back and post it.

The Ostia specimen was found in the excavation of the guard house:

Compare with the lead tokens with Diana in the last post . The token type database from Warwick seems to be down for updates. I think they are shifting the back end data structure.

N.B. Rowan gives a great synthesis of Nemi token finds (p. 122-126).

Rowan, Clare. Tokens and Social Life in Roman Imperial Italy. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2023. Which I’ve been reading in PB but is available OPEN ACCESS.

Her visual reading is valid as are her orans parallels but I put more emphasis on the archaizing style and thus cannot agree that the image represents modern worshippers. (See earlier post).

She also cites Morpugo, NSc 1931: 281, no. 111 for testimony that 3 lead tokens were found during excavations of the Nemi theatre (p. 192). The theory she entertains here is that these tokens may have been used to mediate the distribution of food or drink (cf. Evans 2018: 114.1). She points back to her discussion of Martial in chapter 2. This whole discussion of largess and tokens at triumphs and religious festivals is highly relevant to my speculative interpretation of so called aes signatum (roman currency bars) offered at the end of my 2021 article. I need to revisit.

Machine Translation of the 1897 report:

On a Lead Tessera Discovered at Villa

Torlonia.

In November 1896, at Villa Torlonia, water that had accumulated near the garden’s dividing wall—situated beneath the woods rising above it—caused a section of the retaining wall, approximately 15 meters in length, to collapse. Amidst the soil—alongside several fragments of various marbles—the small lead plaque depicted here was recovered. It has a maximum diameter of 27 mm and a thickness of approximately one millimeter; the imagery, which appears on only one side, seems to have been executed with a punch rather than cast. It presents—resting upon a line indicating a ground plane—a figure of Diana running toward the left, her garments fluttering, a mantle draped like a nimbus above her head [velafactio!], and a lunar crescent upon her brow. Surrounding the figure within the field are four six-pointed stars: one positioned low in front of her, and three positioned high behind her. Above the figure, the inscription runs in large characters:

SVBCVRA

The upper extremity of the letter S extends into a palm leaf that curves to follow the circular contour of the plaque. Another palm leaf rises from the ground on the left.

There has been much debate regarding the intended use of such tesserae; some have believed them to be a type of gaming token, while others have regarded them as a form of admission ticket or identification badge.

Dr. Rostovtzeff—who is currently engaged in a study of this specific class of artifacts—informs us that tesserae of this nature are frequently encountered, particularly in Tusculum. In that city, there existed corporations or societies known as the Juvenes Tusculani—analogous to the Epheboi found in certain Greek cities—which were also referred to as the Sodales lusus iuvenalis Tusculani. These lead plaques likely served as tokens for distributions—issued on behalf of the Emperors by the curatores iuvenum (or lusus iuvenum)—during the annual festivals and games. The tesserae known to date belong mostly to the 1st century of the Imperial period and do not extend beyond the beginning of the 2nd century; stylistically, our specimen—which features a die hitherto unknown—fits precisely into this era, that is, the early 2nd century. Diana is depicted on a lead tessera which also appears to be attributable to Tusculum (!); furthermore, the word subcura should be restored as subcura(tor), given that the abbreviation cur is frequently found on similar tesserae and in certain inscriptions (?).

To provide a more solid foundation for the wall, a trench measuring 3.00 x 1.00 meters and 2.30 meters deep was excavated at the site. During this operation, beneath the dividing wall, a section of opus reticulatum (reticulated masonry) made of peperino stone was encountered; it was tapered—measuring 0.85 meters at the top and 0.60 meters at the bottom—and oriented toward the south, forming a right angle with another stretch of the same reticulatum work, which ran nearly parallel to the dividing wall. Embedded within this reticulatum wall was a recessed block of peperino (measuring 0.20 x 0.20 x 0.18 meters), featuring a small, bowl-like depression carved into one of its faces.

Also recovered were shards of coarse pottery; a marble slab; fragments of decorative facing (sectilia?) in Africano and Giallo Antico marble; a cornice fragment in Rosso Antico marble; roof tiles; and several seashells—remains likely belonging to a Roman villa.

Embedded in the soil, several disintegrated skeletons were found, along with six skulls in varying states of preservation.

The subsoil appeared disturbed and thoroughly churned up.

L. MARIANI.

Braconi, P., Filippo Coarelli, Francesca Diosono, and Giuseppina Ghini, eds. 2013. Il Santuario Di Diana a Nemi : Le Terrazze E Il Ninfeo : Scavi 1989-2009. Roma: “L’Erma” di Bretschneider. [Ebook on file]

All the following images from the above book are in copyright and only reproduced here for educational purposes and private study.

“Excavations and investigations resumed in 2010 in the area immediately in front of the temple (facing the lake) and within the podium have brought to light further votive materials from the Republican and Archaic periods. These items had been left *in situ* during the 19th-century excavations—evidently due to their fragmentary nature—yet they prove diagnostic for understanding the various phases of the building’s history.” p. 31. Last paragraph translated.

There is pre historic remains. I’m skipping this chapter and also the next on the rex nemorensis but may wish to circle back to both later. Also just skimming chapter on construction techniques. Great examples of various phases. Opus reticulatum is a favorite of mine. Also two nicely different Doric orders used for colonnades.

Images from p. 118, close up details follow on p. 119-20.

skipping a chapter on mosaic tesserae. The chapter on plaster work is fascinating and makes me so sad so much of the details has been lost. The PDF I’m reading has lots of pictures of colored plaster fragments photographed in B/W. I want to look at the physical book in May at the ICS to see if these are in color there.

Francesca Diosono-Francesca Romana Plebani’s chapter on LE TERRECOTTE ARCHITETTONICHE E LA COROPLASTICA is definitely meaty and I”m going to slow down here.

Many new elements published here, but not new types. Find spots suggest wider use of certain types across the whole sanctuary not just restricted to certain areas.

“In his contribution—which represents the most recent study on the terracottas of the Nemi sanctuary (alongside Moltesen 2009 regarding the coroplastic material)—Känel reconstructs four distinct decorative phases for the sanctuary’s coroplastic and terracotta artifacts, basing his analysis on stylistic criteria as well as on clay composition and manufacturing techniques: the first is dated to around 300 BC; the second to the mid-2nd century BC; the third to around 100 BC; and the fourth—the final phase—to the early Imperial period. We can now affirm that his chronology aligns perfectly with the findings of recent research—some of which are presented in this very volume—specifically regarding the construction of the Temple of Diana between the late 4th and early 3rd centuries BC. the beginning of the monumentalization of the sanctuary and, perhaps, the second phase of the temple— dating to the mid-2nd century BC. the construction of the extensive system of niche substructures in the eastern sector of the lower terrace and the associated portico, between the late 2nd and early 1st centuries BC; and the Julio-Claudian phase, identified in recent excavations primarily within the area of ​​the nymphaeum The complete absence of terracotta artifacts attributable to the third phase of the Temple of Diana—dated to the middle decades of the 1st century BC—should come as no surprise, given that both the records of 19th-century discoveries and the very recent investigations in the temple area allow for the reconstruction of an architectural decoration for the building composed entirely of gilded bronze.” p. 167-168

I”m very curious to learn of other gilded pieces that survive with better attribution/chain of custody.

p. 168:

“five distinct types of antefixes from the “cellae” area. Within this context, two main groups can be distinguished based on their formal characteristics: triangular antefixes set on a rectangular base, and palmette-shaped antefixes.”

“Type TA2—an antefix featuring a palmette emerging from a bud flanked by spirals—is datable to the first half of the 1st century BC.”

“While antefixes TA1 and TA2 originate from the north-central sector of the sanctuary’s lower terrace (though it appears highly improbable that they belonged to the Temple of Diana, given that recent investigations surrounding that temple have failed to yield even a single fragment), the fragments attributed to the other types were all discovered within the area of ​​the so-called “votive cells.” These fragments may have formed part of the decorative scheme for those specific rooms, or perhaps for other sacred structures—located on the same terrace or on the middle terrace—that remain as yet undiscovered.”

p. 169:

On TA6: “The plaque— characterized by a compositional system that tends to fill the entire decorative field, almost betraying a sort of *horror vacui*—exhibits a close affinity with examples known to date between the second half of the 2nd and the 1st century BC at Luni and at Villalfonsina, in the Frentanian region. In both instances, the general compositional scheme appears to derive from models known in Etruria, Latium, and Campania, dating back as early as the late 4th and 3rd centuries BC.”

The Donna Fiore (Flower Woman) motif is connected to the iconography of Potnia theron (Mistress of the beasts).

“In general, both the identity of the clays found in specimens traceable to the same models—yet evidently produced using different or worn-out matrices—and the cross-cutting recurrence of the same clay types across various categories of plaques suggest a shared production workshop. This workshop was, in all likelihood, local or regional in nature, responsible for the manufacture of the plaques as well as their replacements, which were required for the maintenance of the various structures’ terracotta decorative schemes within the sanctuary. The sole exception is specimen TA12 which—as previously noted—features a clay composition that, based on the observed characteristics, appears to indicate an earlier chronological date of production compared to the rest of the material.”

p. 175, figure 8 showing TA7a (TA7b, v similar shown next page)

P. 179:

On to the Nymphaeum:

p. 196:

“The few materials dating between the Archaic and Middle Republican periods do not provide specific information on the nature and dynamics of occupation of the area, but they appear very likely connected to the presence of the spring and perhaps already had, at least in part, a cultic function. A few structures in this area can be attributed to the first construction phase, either razed or buried during the construction of the Julio-Claudian nymphaeum. The main one is a circular basin (figs. 2-4), of which only part of the southwestern half has been uncovered.”

p. 197:

“… the basin was likely open to the sky—as indicated by the presence of hydraulic mortar on the crest of the perimeter wall, in addition to the inner surface of the wall itself. A fillet of *cocciopesto* runs along the entire lower section of the wall where it joins the floor (Fig. 4); in this feature, Paolo Braconi identified one of the prime examples of *opus signinum*—a term which, according to his study on the precise definition of this technique in Vitruvius, should be understood as a hydraulic *cocciopesto* used specifically for waterproofing cisterns. Embedded within this fillet is a lead pipe (*fistula*), designed to drain water from the structure and discharge it downstream. Only the southern sector of the basin could be exposed, as it proved impossible to trace the structures further upstream due to a massive accumulation of fill material and the presence of agricultural terraces situated above.”

Comparison made with cistern on acropolis at Segni

“… suggests that inside the open-air basin there were one or more structures (bases?) surrounded by water, radiated when the exedra was built; this would seem to confirm the not only hydraulic value that this basin must have had within the sanctuary.”

P. 198:

“The sole means of assigning a chronology to the structures of this first building phase is the use of *opus quasi reticulatum* for the retaining wall, datable to around the first half of the 1st century BC—the period marking the beginning of the area’s most intensive occupation, as attested by ceramic finds..”

P. 199:

“The presence of other structures in the area during this phase is suggested by the discovery of a few stamped bricks datable to the second half of the 1st century BC, as well as several fragments of architectural terracottas dating to the late 2nd or early 1st century BC; furthermore, the discovery of “flowerpots” suggests that plants were planted in the area, likely for votive purposes.”

I’m skipping the imperial phases…

BUT , the reconstruction (p. 208) is v cool:

P. 209:

“Such a layout clearly recalls the Nymphaeum of Pyrene (or Peirene), located in the northeast corner of the Agora at Corinth, specifically in its early Augustan iteration (Figs. 19a–b)”

Author also draws parallels to the late republican nymphaeum on Via Annibaldi in Rome.

There is a whole chapter on the role of the Nymphaeum in cult activities and the figure of Egeria. Speculative but interesting, last paragraph (p. 244):

“The monumental nymphaeum of the Arician sanctuary, therefore—despite occupying a marginal position within the layout of the architectural complex—may in reality have played a central role in the dynamics of the cult of the Nemorean Triad, linking itself to the propitiatory fertility rituals that were so vital in ancient culture. The possibility that this structure served the practice of pre-nuptial or pre-natal ritual bathing connects it to the divine figure of Egeria—a deity traditionally associated with these aspects of women’s lives. This association holds true both during the earliest phases of her cult’s existence—when she was likely regarded as a full-fledged divinity in her own right—and following the influx of Greek culture, when she was assimilated into other pantheons and assumed the status of a nymph, yet nonetheless continued to fulfill the fundamental role of *kourotrophos* alongside Diana—the tutelary goddess of adolescence—and Hecate, the deity linked to the chthonic realm of the underworld.”

Now a chapter on controlling water and Caligula. Skipping forward.

Stanco authors the chapter on numerous black glaze pottery finds which are super important for dating aes grave.

p. 279: “3.1.1 Stipe sag. IV terrazza centrale: Only twelve fragments derive from this context; they are, however, indicative of a certain uniformity, as they consist entirely of pieces attributable to local or regional production—specifically, to the group of small stamped wares. This corresponds to “Fabric 2″ of the black-gloss ceramics from the Villa of Santa Maria at Nemi and closely resembles the PE production from Gabii. Among these is a fragment of an *oinochoe* featuring white overpainted decoration, attributable to the Phantom Group—further evidence that at least some workshops produced both black-gloss ware and overpainted or figured ceramics. Moreover, the assemblage includes forms typical of Etrusco-Latian votive contexts—some clearly miniaturistic in scale—which date chronologically to the period between the late fourth and mid-third centuries BC.”

p. 284: “Between the two periods of most intense activity, the evidence provided by the ceramics attests to an intermediate phase, during which the sanctuary appears to undergo a severe crisis—the causes and nature of which remain to be defined. As a final observation, it is worth noting that, for the phases spanning the 4th and 3rd centuries, procurement was drawn exclusively from local and regional markets; notably, wares produced in Rome are undocumented, and it therefore appears that all recorded fragments can be attributed to workshops active within the Alban Hills area. The situation changes radically during the 2nd century, when imports of Roman manufacture appear, and ceramics begin to flow into the sanctuary— initially wares produced in Arretium, and subsequently—in much larger quantities— those from Cales and Neapolis; this pattern aligns with what is observed in Rome and at other sites dating to the same period.”

I’m experiencing loss of text and posts. In the past WordPress has been great with autosaving my posts as I write and I’ve always been able to recover work when I experience connectivity problems or a program crashes. Not this week. I lost a whole post on Nemi materials in the MFA in Boston and now I’ve lost a great deal of my notes from this book.

I know I really did write things because wordpress does save my uploaded images. Like this fun stamp with a Rooster that makes me think of the early 1st punic war bronzes from Teanum and Cales and Seussa etc… Cales pottery is also found at this sanctuary.

The coin chapter is a bust. The coins are only listed with no notation of precise find spots. There are no images of coins. BUT from the list these below are of interest. Esp. the RRC 26/5 and the 26/3 showing cast and struck from the same series in roughly the same context.

The following images of tokens are given but there is no notation if they were actually found on this site:

Finally I love the testimony of how common pigs are among zoological finds:

And here is some fun ligature amongst the brick stamps:

Skip down to the third section for fun ancient stuff.

warm up writing

I learned that through a grand miscommunication/misunderstanding, my family was expected at a family dinner almost immediately 30 minutes away. So I dropped party prep and loaded kids in the car. That was ‘only’ 12 at table. Saturday I hosted 17, and then we were back at my in-laws with 14 for Sunday dinner. So many cousins. Honestly though it all went incredibly well. I married well and I’m only writing because I’m so mentally locked into family mode and I have the actual kids birthday to mark tomorrow and then a friends slumber party to prepare for next Saturday, that with out some warm up writing there is no way I’m going to get to the focused goals of the day.

There is a layer of sadness in my heart that my family at the moment is family of choice and my kiddos. Every morning I wake up and am grateful to get to chose to be in partnership with my beloved and raise our awesome kids and that he comes with a giant functional supportive family. And, my family of choice all showed up form me as I hosted. I’ve always known that trust and kinship are built on shared positive experiences and willingness to show up. And, yet I cannot help but grieve the wounds in my bio family, the effects of the inter-generational baggage and the alienation this has created. The survivors guilt I carry and my willingness to do anything to make sure my kids walk into the future with as few scars as possible and as many skills to identify health boundaries and safe humans as possible. I know this vague. None of the story really needs to be told, at least not now. It is just with all the joy of my intense holiday weekend I’m still coming into the week with a wistful sadness. A touch of grief for the relationships I don’t have, even as I try to construct a plausible narrative of my own origin story for myself, one that honors all that is good about my familial connections and the struggles of others that have let me thrive.

looking ahead for the week

I’m in good shape for my WashU talk. Last week, I cranked out the first 20 slides for the deck and they are a aesthetically pleasing (without the overkill on design I used to do to procrastinate), I’ve synthesized past work with new data I’ve collected over the past year especially the particle accelerator experiments and what and why I think more experimentation is valuable, and am well on my way to being able to tell the story of the relevance of this work. The WashU talk I want to focus on broader religious contextualization, in May at ICS I am aiming to focus more on the context of Nemi itself as an archaeological site: so much work to do on that still, and in Warsaw in October I’m planning to give a more economics focused version where I try to talk about the nature and variety of (co-existing) monetary systems. I want to keep working on the research and planning out of all these talks as that is my fun stuff, the work that carried me with it through its own momentum. But it is not the tasks of today. Excited to share my WashU deck next week.

I need to give my study abroad some attention. Last year my Rome trip made me nervous because it was the first time and I didn’t know how the pre-trip logistics were supposed to go. This time I know how it should or could work and every hiccup finds me impatience and a little resentful. The main source of my intolerance has nothing to do with my partners in this work, but rather that my beloved and I have decided it is not right for my family to come to Rome this summer and I would never have agreed to lead the trip if I thought it would mean 3 weeks away from my beloved and kiddos. I love my garden and home office. And while solo travel is fun, I tend to get desperately homesick for my family at about 8-10 day mark. We made the right choice and yet it has changed my relationship to the trip and its planning. It is now far more in the necessary task side of my brain, than the fun, exciting adventure side. Also chairing took me out of the classroom, too much really. I don’t feel as connected to these students as I did to last year’s cohort. We’ll get there and I’ll love it, but the joys of family are more tempting at the moment.

20 April, 5 pm, is the next grant proposal deadline I have to hit. I’ve got a great project. I want to pitch an internal investigation of the bronze votive statuettes from Nemi to compare to our aes grave data. I have had a strong suspicion since 2023 when we did surface analysis that these statuettes hold the key to contextualizing aes grave. I think they may be made from the same junk metal slurry and may even serve similar functions. If I write a good enough grant and am successful in my application I should be able to confirm this by early 2027 and lean more into this hypothesis. Normally these proposal calls come every 6 months, but the ISIS facility has a long shut down coming and there will not be another call for a year or more as they update the facilities. Also right now I have UK affiliation, I hope to find more such affiliations for future collaborations but this is not a given. It’s a now or never cross my fingers and hope sort of case, but of course I’ve got to write the damn thing and give my research partners, the actual scientists the opportunity to review and supplement my experiment design, so really I better get that done by Friday.

Finally, I’m typing this on my Mac. I love my mac. The pXRF software does not run on Mac. My research partner is in Romania with the pXRF. We’ve got a short window for equipment hand off early next week before I leave for St. Louis. I one managed to get it to run on my ancient previous PC laptop I think. I’ve never managed to borrow a machine from my college that would let me run the software. I also need a training refresher course on these analyses. One can buy a PC for under 200 dollars these days, and one worth owning (kinda) for under 500. Do I bite the bullet? My kids would love having a laptop to play with but I hate spending money on a mono tasker. I guess the thing to do is boot up my old machine and see if it seems to function and then bring it to Brooklyn for a test run next Monday and trust that if it doesn’t work, can go to a shop in NYC and throw money at the problem. Yuck.

I also owe lots of people emails sorry if you are one.

Something fun

In an edited volume for Elaine Matthews, Michael Crawford proposed a theory which he himself acknowledges cannot be confirmed, namely that the Italian state may have used bronze tablets like the one below for drawing lots as part of its federal system of government.

Crawford, Michael H. “Onomastics and the Administration of Italia/Víteliú.” Onomatologos. Studies in Greek Personal Names Presented to Elaine Matthews, Oxford (2010): 276-279. [PDF on File thanks to ILL]

I’m totally intrigued by this theory and in love with the idea we might have material culture beyond the social war coins to connect to the first Italia to try to understand the project of those who rejected Rome’s rule.

Any yet the more I think about these objects the more concerned I am that they have two names. How would that work for drawing lots? Why pair individuals in a random system of assigning responsibility? Could they be some variant of the tesserae nummularii? But that doesn’t really work either. No way to attach them to anything. No verbs not suggestion the names correspond to a dating system.

But wait what if they are magistrates (duumviri of some sort) that provide the year for some Italic community. If we could find the pairings existing else were on other epigraphy that might provide a hint…

Ah well. Just a stray point of interest.

The other fun thing rattling around in my head is this winch machine seemingly for controlling water flow on a relief found in the draining of the Fucine lake in the Torlonia collection and said to be on display Museo del Castello Piccolomini di Celano. I love driving in the Abruzzo with my beloved. If he were joining this summer this castle would be an ideal roadtrip destination. Ah well, another year.

As you know I’m interested in the technology on the Fabatus series and I think both Fabatus and Papius show capstans

Thus I really am very curious about this relief and its technology. The relief is dated to the mid 2nd century CE based on parallels with Trajan’s column I presume. The images here are from Il Tesoro del Lago (Carsa Edizioni 2001). In the same book is a list with a few illustrations of the 338 bronze coins. The vast majority of these coins seem to be 1st Punic war coins and to have been deposited by worshippers at Lucus Angitiae. The coins were recovered during construction for the lake drainage. Another place I’d love to roadtrip to. The collection has such strong parallels to Nemi on a smaller scale that I may want to use it as a parallel case study. And you guessed it there are also bronze votives that seem to come from the same locale. Again I feel vindicated by my past belief that one always buys the book when the book is being sold a a small provincial museum or site. I think I picked this one up in 2012 at Alba Fucens.