The amazing thing about this hoard is that it really seems to close with RRC 437/4a and have nothing between that issue and RRC 434/2 and issues associated with 54 and 55 BCE. Even more amazing is that it seems to be a genuinely sealed pot in which it was found and to have been presented to the museum in Turin complete. Exceptionally rare for an accidental find. Even more intriguing is whether this hoard is still in Turin and can be consulted as a hoard today?! Could some even be published in Fava’s catalogue of controlmarks?! Broni seems a long way from Turin… Why bring it there?
Machine Translation
“On October 9th, a certain Maria Bazzini presented to the Royal Museum of Antiquities in Turin a group of Roman consular coins, providing to the distinguished Commendatore E. Schiaparelli—Director of that Institute—and to the undersigned the following information, which I am pleased to recount here to accompany this report. Specifically, she related that while her brother was carrying out some very deep trenching work to plant a vineyard on a hillside farm near Broni—and more precisely in the vicinity of Cascina Rovescala—a small terracotta “money box,” little larger than a lemon, was discovered at a depth of nearly two meters. Upon breaking it open with a spade, he found within it—intermingled with clayey soil—some coins which initially appeared to be copper but, once washed and cleaned, were recognized as silver. A few days after the discovery took place—so the lady asserted—this small hoard was presented, on a preliminary basis, to the Museum for examination. If one could place full reliance upon the account regarding the discovery—particularly concerning the nature and shape of the vessel in which the coins were found—we would have here a new and complete example of those money boxes, or *thesauroi*, of which Graeven (!) recently compiled an entire series, suitably illustrating them in the *Annals of the German Archaeological Institute*.
“However, regarding the character of the find as a hoard or treasure trove, an examination of the coins appears to fully corroborate the account given by Signora Bazzini; indeed, in her complete ignorance of the actual or scientific value and interest of the collection, she did not seem capable of— through inaccuracies or subterfuge—compromising the authenticity of her story. The coins submitted for examination number 100, of which precisely 90 are identifiable; all are silver, and the vast majority are denarii. They span the period from approximately 149 to 54 B.C. The oldest among them show signs of having remained in circulation for a long time—and of having passed through many hands—as they are considerably worn, though none (with the exception of a few quinarii) are rendered unrecognizable. Conversely, the more recent coins in the group—such as the Plautia, Fonteia, Hosidia, and Nonia issues, among others—are in a state of excellent preservation.
A hoard of denarii was found in V.4.3 Pompeii. House. Casa di un Flamine. Excavated 1842 and 1899. Bombed in 1943.
There are some republican specimens, all very worn, but the most exciting thing about this hoard is that it helps us understand the domestic context in which coins were stored along side other valuable artifacts, including representations of the household gods.
“… in the room opening onto the eastern side of the small atrium, the hollow impressions of two small cupboards—each resting upon a rectangular terracotta base—were discovered on the 9th. One of the two small cupboards apparently contained a small drawer, the ornamentation of which included several spiral-shaped rods and strips of glass paste. The objects found therein are as follows:
A hoard consisting of one hundred and thirty silver coins and fifty-four bronze coins, classified as follows by my colleague, Prof. Ettore Gabrici:
The Republican denarii are all worn, unlike the Imperial ones—particularly those of Vespasian, Titus, and Domitian—which are all in mint condition (*ruspide*).
Among the sestertii of Nero featuring the triumphal arch on the reverse, there is one weighing 37.04 grams. Among the dupondii of the same emperor, the following specimen—not yet represented in the Naples collection—is worthy of note: IMP · NERO · CLAVD · CAESAR · AVG · GERM · P.M. · TR.P. · XII · P.P. — Head of Nero facing right, wearing a radiate crown. — Rev: ROMA (in the exergue). Roma, armed, seated to the left. resting her right hand on a spear shaft and her left elbow on a *clipeus*; on either side appear the letters S C.
The *denarius* of Roscius Fabatus (Mommsen-Blacas no. 300) features a rare symbol behind the head of Juno: specifically, a herm of Silenus.
The following items were also recovered from the aforementioned hollow impressions: —
Gold. A very small earring (?) formed of two tiny hoops. — Silver. A spoon with a handle terminating in a pig’s hoof, and a fragmentary *simpulum*. —
Bronze. Three statuettes: namely, a *Genius familiaris* (0.08 m high, including the base) and two *Lares* (0.125 m high)—figures which, however, bear a cornucopia and a *patera*, the very same attributes as the *Genius* (Fig. 1). Furthermore—also in bronze—a *lagena* with detached handles; a small jar with a detached base and handle; a sort of small basket with hinged handles; a stand or base in the form of a tripod, featuring lion-paw feet interspersed with openwork foliage; another similar, smaller stand; a funnel; a saucepan bearing the well-known maker’s mark on its handle (C.I.L. X, 8071, 29); two pairs of tweezers; a small needle for making sacks; a surgical probe (*specillum*); a bracelet (*armilla*); three escutcheons from locks; eight studs fitted with rings; a very small steelyard beam with a conical sliding weight; three small handles fitted with hooks; two door staples; small herringbone-pattern chains attached to rings; and a netting needle.
Amber. A seated, draped figurine (headless); a seated *putto* (lacking the right arm and the tips of the feet); and a fragmentary, unrecognizable quadruped figurine.
Marble. A statuette of Venus Anadyomene (0.365 m high, including the circular base), notable for the red paint applied to the drapery resting upon the *alabastron* positioned beside her, and for traces of gilding on the hair, navel, and pubic area; across her chest runs the customary long, crossed golden cord (Fig. 2). A marble egg—specifically of *marmor Africanum*—was also recovered.
Glass: A small cup containing yellow pigment; two other small vessels featuring an elliptical escutcheon engraved with the figure of a nude hero resting his right hand upon his helmet (Achilles preparing to arm himself?). Furthermore—also of glass—nine unguent bottles, two small jars, a perforated button, and thirteen standard buttons (plus half of another) were found.
Rock Crystal: A tiny stopper, perforated at the top.
“But the most remarkable object brought to light by these excavations is a nearly rectangular bone strip, which served as a measuring rule for a Roman foot. Slightly more than half of it has survived, and—as can be seen here—it bears incisions on both sides (Fig. 6a–d). It measures 170 millimeters in length and 18 millimeters in width, and is divided into 20 sections formed by four groups of five. At the third line—starting from the intact end—a small triangle has been added, with its vertex pointing downward. Similarly, a like triangle has been added at the fifth line. At the eighth line, two triangles formed of dots have been added; they share the dividing line as a common base, but their vertices point in opposite directions—an arrangement that serves as an indicator. At the 148-millimeter mark—which constitutes exactly half of the 296 millimeters corresponding to the Roman foot—the significance of the divisional lines (each representing a *digitus*, or finger-breadth) becomes clear. There is also a notch. On the reverse side of this same measuring instrument (Fig. 6e), two small lines—each consisting of three dots—can be seen positioned at the 0.07-meter mark. This indicates that the reverse side of our instrument also served to measure the Roman foot, albeit divided into only four sections. Two bone strips found at Pompeii are quite similar to this one, as they, too, represent the Roman half-foot. However, those examples are fitted with small bronze plates at their ends and feature hinges designed to allow the other half of the measuring rule to fold back upon itself—much like a modern folding ruler.”
A quick google would not reveal an image of the Pompeii ruler but when I find one you know I’ll come back and post it.
The Ostia specimen was found in the excavation of the guard house:
Compare with the lead tokens with Diana in the last post . The token type database from Warwick seems to be down for updates. I think they are shifting the back end data structure.
N.B. Rowan gives a great synthesis of Nemi token finds (p. 122-126).
Rowan, Clare. Tokens and Social Life in Roman Imperial Italy. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2023. Which I’ve been reading in PB but is available OPEN ACCESS.
Her visual reading is valid as are her orans parallels but I put more emphasis on the archaizing style and thus cannot agree that the image represents modern worshippers. (See earlier post).
She also cites Morpugo, NSc 1931: 281, no. 111 for testimony that 3 lead tokens were found during excavations of the Nemi theatre (p. 192). The theory she entertains here is that these tokens may have been used to mediate the distribution of food or drink (cf. Evans 2018: 114.1). She points back to her discussion of Martial in chapter 2. This whole discussion of largess and tokens at triumphs and religious festivals is highly relevant to my speculative interpretation of so called aes signatum (roman currency bars) offered at the end of my 2021 article. I need to revisit.
Machine Translation of the 1897 report:
On a Lead Tessera Discovered at Villa
Torlonia.
In November 1896, at Villa Torlonia, water that had accumulated near the garden’s dividing wall—situated beneath the woods rising above it—caused a section of the retaining wall, approximately 15 meters in length, to collapse. Amidst the soil—alongside several fragments of various marbles—the small lead plaque depicted here was recovered. It has a maximum diameter of 27 mm and a thickness of approximately one millimeter; the imagery, which appears on only one side, seems to have been executed with a punch rather than cast. It presents—resting upon a line indicating a ground plane—a figure of Diana running toward the left, her garments fluttering, a mantle draped like a nimbus above her head [velafactio!], and a lunar crescent upon her brow. Surrounding the figure within the field are four six-pointed stars: one positioned low in front of her, and three positioned high behind her. Above the figure, the inscription runs in large characters:
SVBCVRA
The upper extremity of the letter S extends into a palm leaf that curves to follow the circular contour of the plaque. Another palm leaf rises from the ground on the left.
There has been much debate regarding the intended use of such tesserae; some have believed them to be a type of gaming token, while others have regarded them as a form of admission ticket or identification badge.
Dr. Rostovtzeff—who is currently engaged in a study of this specific class of artifacts—informs us that tesserae of this nature are frequently encountered, particularly in Tusculum. In that city, there existed corporations or societies known as the Juvenes Tusculani—analogous to the Epheboi found in certain Greek cities—which were also referred to as the Sodales lusus iuvenalis Tusculani. These lead plaques likely served as tokens for distributions—issued on behalf of the Emperors by the curatores iuvenum (or lusus iuvenum)—during the annual festivals and games. The tesserae known to date belong mostly to the 1st century of the Imperial period and do not extend beyond the beginning of the 2nd century; stylistically, our specimen—which features a die hitherto unknown—fits precisely into this era, that is, the early 2nd century. Diana is depicted on a lead tessera which also appears to be attributable to Tusculum (!); furthermore, the word subcura should be restored as subcura(tor), given that the abbreviation cur is frequently found on similar tesserae and in certain inscriptions (?).
To provide a more solid foundation for the wall, a trench measuring 3.00 x 1.00 meters and 2.30 meters deep was excavated at the site. During this operation, beneath the dividing wall, a section of opus reticulatum (reticulated masonry) made of peperino stone was encountered; it was tapered—measuring 0.85 meters at the top and 0.60 meters at the bottom—and oriented toward the south, forming a right angle with another stretch of the same reticulatum work, which ran nearly parallel to the dividing wall. Embedded within this reticulatum wall was a recessed block of peperino (measuring 0.20 x 0.20 x 0.18 meters), featuring a small, bowl-like depression carved into one of its faces.
Also recovered were shards of coarse pottery; a marble slab; fragments of decorative facing (sectilia?) in Africano and Giallo Antico marble; a cornice fragment in Rosso Antico marble; roof tiles; and several seashells—remains likely belonging to a Roman villa.
Embedded in the soil, several disintegrated skeletons were found, along with six skulls in varying states of preservation.
The subsoil appeared disturbed and thoroughly churned up.
L. MARIANI.
Frascata looks so much like the modern construction over the sanctuary at Praeneste there has to be a story there. And, definitely another roadtrip destination with my beloved.
All the following images from the above book are in copyright and only reproduced here for educational purposes and private study.
P. 18, Fig. 1. Translated caption: “Plan of the Sanctuary Updated to 2013 – prepared from the survey by M. Marchetti (SBAL) by G. Batocchioni (Studio Strati) with the collaboration of P. Papakosta and S. Peters (TUM – Technische Universität München). A: substructures of the lower terrace; B: substructures of the upper terrace; F: rooms; K: Temple of Diana; M: “votive chambers”; R: portico bounding the lower terrace; S: theater; T: baths (?); U: access road to the sanctuary; V: nymphaeum (on the right) and structures of the middle terrace (on the left).”
“Excavations and investigations resumed in 2010 in the area immediately in front of the temple (facing the lake) and within the podium have brought to light further votive materials from the Republican and Archaic periods. These items had been left *in situ* during the 19th-century excavations—evidently due to their fragmentary nature—yet they prove diagnostic for understanding the various phases of the building’s history.” p. 31. Last paragraph translated.
There is pre historic remains. I’m skipping this chapter and also the next on the rex nemorensis but may wish to circle back to both later. Also just skimming chapter on construction techniques. Great examples of various phases. Opus reticulatum is a favorite of mine. Also two nicely different Doric orders used for colonnades.
Images from p. 118, close up details follow on p. 119-20.
skipping a chapter on mosaic tesserae. The chapter on plaster work is fascinating and makes me so sad so much of the details has been lost. The PDF I’m reading has lots of pictures of colored plaster fragments photographed in B/W. I want to look at the physical book in May at the ICS to see if these are in color there.
from page 157.My own photo from April 2023
Francesca Diosono-Francesca Romana Plebani’s chapter on LE TERRECOTTE ARCHITETTONICHE E LA COROPLASTICA is definitely meaty and I”m going to slow down here.
Many new elements published here, but not new types. Find spots suggest wider use of certain types across the whole sanctuary not just restricted to certain areas.
“In his contribution—which represents the most recent study on the terracottas of the Nemi sanctuary (alongside Moltesen 2009 regarding the coroplastic material)—Känel reconstructs four distinct decorative phases for the sanctuary’s coroplastic and terracotta artifacts, basing his analysis on stylistic criteria as well as on clay composition and manufacturing techniques: the first is dated to around 300 BC; the second to the mid-2nd century BC; the third to around 100 BC; and the fourth—the final phase—to the early Imperial period. We can now affirm that his chronology aligns perfectly with the findings of recent research—some of which are presented in this very volume—specifically regarding the construction of the Temple of Diana between the late 4th and early 3rd centuries BC. the beginning of the monumentalization of the sanctuary and, perhaps, the second phase of the temple— dating to the mid-2nd century BC. the construction of the extensive system of niche substructures in the eastern sector of the lower terrace and the associated portico, between the late 2nd and early 1st centuries BC; and the Julio-Claudian phase, identified in recent excavations primarily within the area of the nymphaeum The complete absence of terracotta artifacts attributable to the third phase of the Temple of Diana—dated to the middle decades of the 1st century BC—should come as no surprise, given that both the records of 19th-century discoveries and the very recent investigations in the temple area allow for the reconstruction of an architectural decoration for the building composed entirely of gilded bronze.” p. 167-168
Boston MFA 01.7489a-b. Bronze. “One piece is rectangular and slightly warped, the other is triangular. The tile was gilded. Green patina in places.” “By date unknown: with Edward Perry Warren (according to Warren’s records: Bought in Rome: from temple of Diana at Nemi.); purchased by MFA from Edward Perry Warren, December 1901”
I”m very curious to learn of other gilded pieces that survive with better attribution/chain of custody.
p. 168:
“five distinct types of antefixes from the “cellae” area. Within this context, two main groups can be distinguished based on their formal characteristics: triangular antefixes set on a rectangular base, and palmette-shaped antefixes.”
“Type TA2—an antefix featuring a palmette emerging from a bud flanked by spirals—is datable to the first half of the 1st century BC.”
“While antefixes TA1 and TA2 originate from the north-central sector of the sanctuary’s lower terrace (though it appears highly improbable that they belonged to the Temple of Diana, given that recent investigations surrounding that temple have failed to yield even a single fragment), the fragments attributed to the other types were all discovered within the area of the so-called “votive cells.” These fragments may have formed part of the decorative scheme for those specific rooms, or perhaps for other sacred structures—located on the same terrace or on the middle terrace—that remain as yet undiscovered.”
p. 169:
On TA6: “The plaque— characterized by a compositional system that tends to fill the entire decorative field, almost betraying a sort of *horror vacui*—exhibits a close affinity with examples known to date between the second half of the 2nd and the 1st century BC at Luni and at Villalfonsina, in the Frentanian region. In both instances, the general compositional scheme appears to derive from models known in Etruria, Latium, and Campania, dating back as early as the late 4th and 3rd centuries BC.”
The Donna Fiore (Flower Woman) motif is connected to the iconography of Potnia theron (Mistress of the beasts).
p. 170:
“In general, both the identity of the clays found in specimens traceable to the same models—yet evidently produced using different or worn-out matrices—and the cross-cutting recurrence of the same clay types across various categories of plaques suggest a shared production workshop. This workshop was, in all likelihood, local or regional in nature, responsible for the manufacture of the plaques as well as their replacements, which were required for the maintenance of the various structures’ terracotta decorative schemes within the sanctuary. The sole exception is specimen TA12 which—as previously noted—features a clay composition that, based on the observed characteristics, appears to indicate an earlier chronological date of production compared to the rest of the material.”
p. 175, figure 8 showing TA7a (TA7b, v similar shown next page)
P. 179:
On to the Nymphaeum:
p. 196:
“The few materials dating between the Archaic and Middle Republican periods do not provide specific information on the nature and dynamics of occupation of the area, but they appear very likely connected to the presence of the spring and perhaps already had, at least in part, a cultic function. A few structures in this area can be attributed to the first construction phase, either razed or buried during the construction of the Julio-Claudian nymphaeum. The main one is a circular basin (figs. 2-4), of which only part of the southwestern half has been uncovered.”
p. 197:
“… the basin was likely open to the sky—as indicated by the presence of hydraulic mortar on the crest of the perimeter wall, in addition to the inner surface of the wall itself. A fillet of *cocciopesto* runs along the entire lower section of the wall where it joins the floor (Fig. 4); in this feature, Paolo Braconi identified one of the prime examples of *opus signinum*—a term which, according to his study on the precise definition of this technique in Vitruvius, should be understood as a hydraulic *cocciopesto* used specifically for waterproofing cisterns. Embedded within this fillet is a lead pipe (*fistula*), designed to drain water from the structure and discharge it downstream. Only the southern sector of the basin could be exposed, as it proved impossible to trace the structures further upstream due to a massive accumulation of fill material and the presence of agricultural terraces situated above.”
Comparison made with cistern on acropolis at Segni
“… suggests that inside the open-air basin there were one or more structures (bases?) surrounded by water, radiated when the exedra was built; this would seem to confirm the not only hydraulic value that this basin must have had within the sanctuary.”
P. 198:
“The sole means of assigning a chronology to the structures of this first building phase is the use of *opus quasi reticulatum* for the retaining wall, datable to around the first half of the 1st century BC—the period marking the beginning of the area’s most intensive occupation, as attested by ceramic finds..”
P. 199:
“The presence of other structures in the area during this phase is suggested by the discovery of a few stamped bricks datable to the second half of the 1st century BC, as well as several fragments of architectural terracottas dating to the late 2nd or early 1st century BC; furthermore, the discovery of “flowerpots” suggests that plants were planted in the area, likely for votive purposes.”
I’m skipping the imperial phases…
BUT , the reconstruction (p. 208) is v cool:
P. 209:
“Such a layout clearly recalls the Nymphaeum of Pyrene (or Peirene), located in the northeast corner of the Agora at Corinth, specifically in its early Augustan iteration (Figs. 19a–b)”
Author also draws parallels to the late republican nymphaeum on Via Annibaldi in Rome.
There is a whole chapter on the role of the Nymphaeum in cult activities and the figure of Egeria. Speculative but interesting, last paragraph (p. 244):
“The monumental nymphaeum of the Arician sanctuary, therefore—despite occupying a marginal position within the layout of the architectural complex—may in reality have played a central role in the dynamics of the cult of the Nemorean Triad, linking itself to the propitiatory fertility rituals that were so vital in ancient culture. The possibility that this structure served the practice of pre-nuptial or pre-natal ritual bathing connects it to the divine figure of Egeria—a deity traditionally associated with these aspects of women’s lives. This association holds true both during the earliest phases of her cult’s existence—when she was likely regarded as a full-fledged divinity in her own right—and following the influx of Greek culture, when she was assimilated into other pantheons and assumed the status of a nymph, yet nonetheless continued to fulfill the fundamental role of *kourotrophos* alongside Diana—the tutelary goddess of adolescence—and Hecate, the deity linked to the chthonic realm of the underworld.”
Now a chapter on controlling water and Caligula. Skipping forward.
Stanco authors the chapter on numerous black glaze pottery finds which are super important for dating aes grave.
p. 279: “3.1.1 Stipe sag. IV terrazza centrale: Only twelve fragments derive from this context; they are, however, indicative of a certain uniformity, as they consist entirely of pieces attributable to local or regional production—specifically, to the group of small stamped wares. This corresponds to “Fabric 2″ of the black-gloss ceramics from the Villa of Santa Maria at Nemi and closely resembles the PE production from Gabii. Among these is a fragment of an *oinochoe* featuring white overpainted decoration, attributable to the Phantom Group—further evidence that at least some workshops produced both black-gloss ware and overpainted or figured ceramics. Moreover, the assemblage includes forms typical of Etrusco-Latian votive contexts—some clearly miniaturistic in scale—which date chronologically to the period between the late fourth and mid-third centuries BC.”
p. 284: “Between the two periods of most intense activity, the evidence provided by the ceramics attests to an intermediate phase, during which the sanctuary appears to undergo a severe crisis—the causes and nature of which remain to be defined. As a final observation, it is worth noting that, for the phases spanning the 4th and 3rd centuries, procurement was drawn exclusively from local and regional markets; notably, wares produced in Rome are undocumented, and it therefore appears that all recorded fragments can be attributed to workshops active within the Alban Hills area. The situation changes radically during the 2nd century, when imports of Roman manufacture appear, and ceramics begin to flow into the sanctuary— initially wares produced in Arretium, and subsequently—in much larger quantities— those from Cales and Neapolis; this pattern aligns with what is observed in Rome and at other sites dating to the same period.”
I’m experiencing loss of text and posts. In the past WordPress has been great with autosaving my posts as I write and I’ve always been able to recover work when I experience connectivity problems or a program crashes. Not this week. I lost a whole post on Nemi materials in the MFA in Boston and now I’ve lost a great deal of my notes from this book.
I know I really did write things because wordpress does save my uploaded images. Like this fun stamp with a Rooster that makes me think of the early 1st punic war bronzes from Teanum and Cales and Seussa etc… Cales pottery is also found at this sanctuary.
The coin chapter is a bust. The coins are only listed with no notation of precise find spots. There are no images of coins. BUT from the list these below are of interest. Esp. the RRC 26/5 and the 26/3 showing cast and struck from the same series in roughly the same context.
The following images of tokens are given but there is no notation if they were actually found on this site:
Finally I love the testimony of how common pigs are among zoological finds:
And here is some fun ligature amongst the brick stamps:
Skip down to the third section for fun ancient stuff.
warm up writing
(almost) 11 year olds are good humans
What a weekend. Thursday, Friday I solo parented to let my beloved get some time in the field and prepped for kiddo’s family birthday party. Then late Friday afternoon when I called my mother-in-law to find out if her coleslaw recipe could be wholly or partially make a head (this, after constructing three lasagnas from scratch, and the red velvet cake)…
I learned that through a grand miscommunication/misunderstanding, my family was expected at a family dinner almost immediately 30 minutes away. So I dropped party prep and loaded kids in the car. That was ‘only’ 12 at table. Saturday I hosted 17, and then we were back at my in-laws with 14 for Sunday dinner. So many cousins. Honestly though it all went incredibly well. I married well and I’m only writing because I’m so mentally locked into family mode and I have the actual kids birthday to mark tomorrow and then a friends slumber party to prepare for next Saturday, that with out some warm up writing there is no way I’m going to get to the focused goals of the day.
There is a layer of sadness in my heart that my family at the moment is family of choice and my kiddos. Every morning I wake up and am grateful to get to chose to be in partnership with my beloved and raise our awesome kids and that he comes with a giant functional supportive family. And, my family of choice all showed up form me as I hosted. I’ve always known that trust and kinship are built on shared positive experiences and willingness to show up. And, yet I cannot help but grieve the wounds in my bio family, the effects of the inter-generational baggage and the alienation this has created. The survivors guilt I carry and my willingness to do anything to make sure my kids walk into the future with as few scars as possible and as many skills to identify health boundaries and safe humans as possible. I know this vague. None of the story really needs to be told, at least not now. It is just with all the joy of my intense holiday weekend I’m still coming into the week with a wistful sadness. A touch of grief for the relationships I don’t have, even as I try to construct a plausible narrative of my own origin story for myself, one that honors all that is good about my familial connections and the struggles of others that have let me thrive.
looking ahead for the week
I’m in good shape for my WashU talk. Last week, I cranked out the first 20 slides for the deck and they are a aesthetically pleasing (without the overkill on design I used to do to procrastinate), I’ve synthesized past work with new data I’ve collected over the past year especially the particle accelerator experiments and what and why I think more experimentation is valuable, and am well on my way to being able to tell the story of the relevance of this work. The WashU talk I want to focus on broader religious contextualization, in May at ICS I am aiming to focus more on the context of Nemi itself as an archaeological site: so much work to do on that still, and in Warsaw in October I’m planning to give a more economics focused version where I try to talk about the nature and variety of (co-existing) monetary systems. I want to keep working on the research and planning out of all these talks as that is my fun stuff, the work that carried me with it through its own momentum. But it is not the tasks of today. Excited to share my WashU deck next week.
I need to give my study abroad some attention. Last year my Rome trip made me nervous because it was the first time and I didn’t know how the pre-trip logistics were supposed to go. This time I know how it should or could work and every hiccup finds me impatience and a little resentful. The main source of my intolerance has nothing to do with my partners in this work, but rather that my beloved and I have decided it is not right for my family to come to Rome this summer and I would never have agreed to lead the trip if I thought it would mean 3 weeks away from my beloved and kiddos. I love my garden and home office. And while solo travel is fun, I tend to get desperately homesick for my family at about 8-10 day mark. We made the right choice and yet it has changed my relationship to the trip and its planning. It is now far more in the necessary task side of my brain, than the fun, exciting adventure side. Also chairing took me out of the classroom, too much really. I don’t feel as connected to these students as I did to last year’s cohort. We’ll get there and I’ll love it, but the joys of family are more tempting at the moment.
20 April, 5 pm, is the next grant proposal deadline I have to hit. I’ve got a great project. I want to pitch an internal investigation of the bronze votive statuettes from Nemi to compare to our aes grave data. I have had a strong suspicion since 2023 when we did surface analysis that these statuettes hold the key to contextualizing aes grave. I think they may be made from the same junk metal slurry and may even serve similar functions. If I write a good enough grant and am successful in my application I should be able to confirm this by early 2027 and lean more into this hypothesis. Normally these proposal calls come every 6 months, but the ISIS facility has a long shut down coming and there will not be another call for a year or more as they update the facilities. Also right now I have UK affiliation, I hope to find more such affiliations for future collaborations but this is not a given. It’s a now or never cross my fingers and hope sort of case, but of course I’ve got to write the damn thing and give my research partners, the actual scientists the opportunity to review and supplement my experiment design, so really I better get that done by Friday.
Finally, I’m typing this on my Mac. I love my mac. The pXRF software does not run on Mac. My research partner is in Romania with the pXRF. We’ve got a short window for equipment hand off early next week before I leave for St. Louis. I one managed to get it to run on my ancient previous PC laptop I think. I’ve never managed to borrow a machine from my college that would let me run the software. I also need a training refresher course on these analyses. One can buy a PC for under 200 dollars these days, and one worth owning (kinda) for under 500. Do I bite the bullet? My kids would love having a laptop to play with but I hate spending money on a mono tasker. I guess the thing to do is boot up my old machine and see if it seems to function and then bring it to Brooklyn for a test run next Monday and trust that if it doesn’t work, can go to a shop in NYC and throw money at the problem. Yuck.
I also owe lots of people emails sorry if you are one.
Something fun
In an edited volume for Elaine Matthews, Michael Crawford proposed a theory which he himself acknowledges cannot be confirmed, namely that the Italian state may have used bronze tablets like the one below for drawing lots as part of its federal system of government.
Crawford, Michael H. “Onomastics and the Administration of Italia/Víteliú.” Onomatologos. Studies in Greek Personal Names Presented to Elaine Matthews, Oxford (2010): 276-279. [PDF on File thanks to ILL]
I’m totally intrigued by this theory and in love with the idea we might have material culture beyond the social war coins to connect to the first Italia to try to understand the project of those who rejected Rome’s rule.
Any yet the more I think about these objects the more concerned I am that they have two names. How would that work for drawing lots? Why pair individuals in a random system of assigning responsibility? Could they be some variant of the tesserae nummularii? But that doesn’t really work either. No way to attach them to anything. No verbs not suggestion the names correspond to a dating system.
But wait what if they are magistrates (duumviri of some sort) that provide the year for some Italic community. If we could find the pairings existing else were on other epigraphy that might provide a hint…
Ah well. Just a stray point of interest.
The other fun thing rattling around in my head is this winch machine seemingly for controlling water flow on a relief found in the draining of the Fucine lake in the Torlonia collection and said to be on display Museo del Castello Piccolomini di Celano. I love driving in the Abruzzo with my beloved. If he were joining this summer this castle would be an ideal roadtrip destination. Ah well, another year.
As you know I’m interested in the technology on the Fabatus series and I think both Fabatus and Papius show capstans
Thus I really am very curious about this relief and its technology. The relief is dated to the mid 2nd century CE based on parallels with Trajan’s column I presume. The images here are from Il Tesoro del Lago (Carsa Edizioni 2001). In the same book is a list with a few illustrations of the 338 bronze coins. The vast majority of these coins seem to be 1st Punic war coins and to have been deposited by worshippers at Lucus Angitiae. The coins were recovered during construction for the lake drainage. Another place I’d love to roadtrip to. The collection has such strong parallels to Nemi on a smaller scale that I may want to use it as a parallel case study. And you guessed it there are also bronze votives that seem to come from the same locale. Again I feel vindicated by my past belief that one always buys the book when the book is being sold a a small provincial museum or site. I think I picked this one up in 2012 at Alba Fucens.
Maggiani, Adriano, « Un dono votivo da quindici assi. Nota su un nuovo bronzetto allungato dal territorio di Volterra. », Studi Etruschi, 83, 2021, p. 209-237, p. 210, 221, 234, fig. 1a, 7c.
This came to the Louvre through one of Orsini’s later partners in the Nemi excavation after his break with Savile.
Kazimierczak, Mariola, « Michel Tyszkiewicz (1828-1897) et les fouilles archéologiques en Italie », Światowit, 57, 2018, p. 237-248, Disponible sur : http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0013.6819 , p. 244, Figure 5 et 6 page 244
I”m resisting doing a deep dive on Tyszkiewicz at Nemi this very moment but the realization that his letters document his experience at Nemi makes me even more eager to get my hands on Savile’s own papers. Surely someone in my network knows Kazimierczak and might offer me an introduction to her. I’d love to review the letters specifically about Nemi.
The following items are said to be from the lake Nemi and came to the Louvre in 1900 from Martinetti, Angelo and Morel, François. Neither name means anything to me yet and the bibliography of the museum doesn’t seem to help with find spot details beyond confirming that the objects were associated with this location as early as 1901.
Alessandro Castellani was the source of this charming little statuette group in 1896 also said to be from Nemi. It was exhibited in Copenhagen for show focusing on Nemi Bronzes (I wonder if there is a catalogue from that show in 2014).
Besides these objects most things associated with Nemi at the Louvre are early modern landscapes. I did stumble on the archaeological artist GESLIN Jean Charles whose drawings are very compelling but unrelated to my present work.
Frustratingly while objects and aes rude are roughly contextualized in the find locations, not so the coin, cast or struck…. Here is what we do know.
My surmise is that Savile wrote most of the following himself and that his papers and correspondence will reveal more details. He was clearly unhappy with his partnership with Orsini who wanted to dig for treasure for the art market, it seems at present.
Frustratingly there is no account of where the bronze statuettes were found when they are discussed, but below there is an account of where some were found.
…
Here follows a discussion of the cast and struck coinage but with no indication that it was found in the same location as the aes rude.
This is a very long very boring post. Please do not read it. It is for my own reference.
Pena, María José. “« Diana Augusta » y el « collegium lotorum » (CIL XIV 2156) : los « piacula » del emperador Claudio.” Fortunatae 32 (2020): 539-556. Doi: 10.25145/j.fortunat.2020.32.36
An inscription from the 1st century AD, discovered in Ariccia (Latium) and dedicated to Diana, is examined. It was set up by two curatores of a collegium lotorum, whose functions are otherwise unknown. The term lotores is analyzed. A possible connection is suggested with another inscription from the sanctuary of Diana at Nemi (within the territory of Ariccia), as well as with the piacula performed in the year AD 50 on the orders of Emperor Claudius. Finally, some considerations are offered on purification by water.
Garmi, Déjla and Meunier, Laure. “Les textiles archéologiques romains découverts en contexte nautique et portuaire: les cas de Rezé / Ratiatum (Loire-Atlantique) et de Lyon / Lugdunum (Rhône).” Gallia 77, no. 1 (2020): 187-211. Doi: 10.4000/gallia.5513
The excavations of the Roman harbor of Rezé, carried out between 2013 and 2016, yielded a collection of twenty‑one textile elements, exceptionally well preserved thanks to the humid environment. Two categories of objects can be distinguished within this assemblage: textile “pebbles” and sail elements. The pebbles consist of textiles that were folded and rolled so as to form a ball, and were then tarred. These textiles may have been used for the waterproofing of boats or of cofferdams, which were temporarily employed during the construction of the Roman quay caissons. All of the collected textiles have been subjected to technical analysis and are compared in terms of manufacturing processes, waterproofing techniques, and finishing, as well as set against finds from Lyon–Saint‑Georges, Giens, Nemi, and Egypt.
Skovmøller, Amalie. “Painting Roman portraits : colour-coding social and cultural identities.” In Family lives : aspects of life and death in ancient families, edited by Kristine Bøggild Johannsen and Jane Hjarl Petersen. Acta Hyperborea; 15, 315-335. Copenhagen: Museum Tusculanum Pr., 2019.
Polychromy can be interpreted as a color code that conveys important aspects of cultural and social identities. This can be demonstrated through the example of the polychromy of a group of Roman portrait sculptures from the so‑called Room of the Fundilia in the sanctuary of Diana Nemorensis at Nemi, dating to the mid‑1st century AD. Knowledge of the manner in which color was applied helps to decipher and investigate more complex social and cultural constellations. The polychrome portraits should not be understood merely as representations of Roman men and women; rather, they actively contributed to reinforcing a sense of a shared lived reality.
Pena Gimeno, María José. “CIL XIV 2213 y las magistraturas del « municipium Aricinum » (Lacio).” Anuari de Filologia. Antiqua et Mediaeualia 8 (2018): 719-734. [PDF]
After some general considerations on the epigraphic documentation of the sanctuary of Diana at Nemi and of the municipium of Aricia, within whose territory the sanctuary is located, the study focuses on inscription CIL XIV, 2213, a dedication to Diana. This inscription is regarded as the earliest find from the area, discovered in the 16th century and already known to Pirro Ligorio and Maarten de Smet. On the basis of this testimony, the municipal magistracies attested by inscriptions are examined, with particular attention paid to CIL XIV, 2171 and CIL XIV, 4196.
Summary highlights:
On the adjective nemorensis;VIf CIL XIV 2213 is set aside as false, only three authentic epigraphic attestations of nemorensis remain:
CIL XIV 2212 – dedication to Deanae Nemorensi (Antonine period).
CIL III 1773 – dedication from Dalmatia by Ti. Claudius Claudianus, a cohort prefect.
A funerary altar from Genzano mentioning the collegium lotorum nemorensium.
nemorensis is not an epithet of Diana but a toponymic adjective derived from nemus, the wooded area around Lake Nemi
CIL XIV 4196: Basalt fragments from a circular base dated to the mid‑1st century BC. names two aediles, one of whom belongs to the gens Accoleia—a family possibly connected to Octavian during the civil wars? The circular base likely supported a statue intended to be viewed from all sides, perhaps connected with the iconography seen on the denarius of P. Accoleius Lariscolus (43 BC). The three‑figured image on the coin probably reflects a Trivia concept rather than an actual cult statue.
Boldrighini, Francesca. “Frescoes from Nemi’s theatre: a dressing room ?.” In Context and meaning : proceedings of the twelfth international conference of the Association internationale pour la peinture murale antique, Athens, September 16-20, 2013, edited by Stephan T. A. M. Mols and Eric M. Moormann. BABesch. Supplement; 31, 107-112. Leuven ; Paris: Peeters, 2017. [academia.edu offprint]
excavations carried out in the 1930s in nemi, uncovered a small theatre adjoining the sanctuary of Diana Nemorensis. A room behind the scene, possibly a dressing room, preserved an interesting painted decoration, now housed in the national roman Museum at the Baths of Diocletian. the unusual paintings represent a series of shoes and weapons on a background of fringed drapes and low pillars and columns; even more unusual is the repre- sentation of written tables and scrolls among them. the frescoes, probably accomplished within the 1st century AD, were possibly related to the shows performed in the theatre.
The wax tablet book in the bottom image is my favorite! And the scroll below and other writing elements:
Pena, María José. “Hipólito-Virbio, San Hipólito y Pirro Ligorio.” Cuadernos de Filología Clásica. Estudios Latinos 37, no. 2 (2017): 265-282. Doi: 10.5209/CFCL.57805 [PDF]
The goal of this paper is to study a double literary tradition derived from Hippolytus’ death, his resurrection by Asclepius and his second life in Italy as Virbius, the minor god of Diana’s sanctuary at Nemi (Latium). The Latin tradition (Virgil, Ovid, Seneca) leads to a christian saint, whose martyr-dom we know through one of Prudentius’ hymns and whose history is complicated by the discovery in the 16th century of a statue restored by Pirro Ligorio and identified with the saint. On the other hand, Ligorio is related to the first epigraphic findings from Nemi-Aricia and was the ‘creator’ of a series of epigraphic fakes related to Hippolytus-Virbius. All this without forgetting that Ligorio’s patron was the cardinal Ippolito d’Este
cf. Pena, María José and Oller, Marta. “Hipólito y Orestes en el santuario de Diana en Nemi: contaminaciones mitográficas antiguas y modernas : análisis crítico de las fuentes literarias.” Latomus 71, no. 2 (2012): 338-372.
Los textos base serán el pasaje de ver G.Aen.7.761-780, y otros dos de Ov.Fast.3.261-276 y Met.15.479-546.
And Virbius, Hippolytus’s son, most handsome, went
to the war, whom his mother Aricia sent in all his glory,
He was reared in Egeria’s groves, round the marshy shores,
where Diana’s altar stands, rich and forgiving.
For they tell in story that Hippolytus, after he had fallen prey
to his stepmother Phaedra’s cunning, and, torn apart by stampeding
horses, had paid the debt due to his father with his blood,
came again to the heavenly stars, and the upper air beneath
the sky, recalled by Apollo’s herbs and Diana’s love.
Then the all-powerful father, indignant that any mortal
should rise from the shadows to the light of life,
hurled Aesculapius, Apollo’s son, the discoverer
of such skill and healing, down to the Stygian waves.
But kindly Diana hid Hippolytus in a secret place,
and sent him to the nymph Egeria, to her grove,
where he might spend his life alone, unknown,
in the Italian woods, his name altered to Virbius.
So too horses are kept away from the temple of Diana
Trivia, and the sacred groves, they who, frightened
by sea-monsters, spilt chariot and youth across the shore.
Ov. Fast. 3.261-276:
Teach me, nymph, who serves Diana’s lake and grove: Nymph, Egeria, wife to Numa, speak of your actions.
There is a lake in the vale of Aricia, ringed by dense woods, And sacred to religion from ancient times. Here Hippolytus hides, who was torn to pieces By his horses, and so no horse may enter the grove. The long hedge is covered with hanging threads, And many tablets witness the goddess’s merit. Often a woman whose prayer is answered, brow wreathed With garlands, carries lighted torches from the City. One with strong hands and swift feet rules there, And each is later killed, as he himself killed before. A pebble-filled stream flows down with fitful murmurs: Often I’ve drunk there, but in little draughts. Egeria, goddess dear to the Camenae, supplies the water: She who was wife and counsellor to Numa.
Translation taken from: Hermans, A. M. (2017). Latin cults through Roman eyes: Myth, memory and cult practice in the Alban hills. [Thesis, fully internal, Universiteit van Amsterdam] Chapter 2: Diana Nemorensis and her worshippers
His mind versed in these and other teachings, it is said that Numa returned to his native country, and took control of Latium, at the people’s request. Blessed with a nymph, Egeria, for wife, and guided by the Muses, he taught the sacred rituals, and educated a savage, warlike, race in the arts of peace.
When, in old age, he relinquished his sceptre with his life, the women of Latium, the populace, and the senators wept for the dead Numa: but Egeria, his wife, left the city, and lived in retirement, concealed by dense woods, in the valley of Aricia, and her sighs and lamentations prevented the worship of OresteianDiana. O! How often the nymphs of the lakes and groves admonished her to stop, and spoke words of consolation to her!
How often Hippolytus, Theseus’s heroic son, said to the weeping nymph: ‘Make an end to this, since yours is not the only fate to be lamented: think of others’ like misfortunes: you will endure your own more calmly. I wish my own case had no power to lighten your sorrow! But even mine can. If your ears have heard anything of Hippolytus, of how, through his father’s credulity, and the deceits of his accursed stepmother, he met his death, though you will be amazed, and I will prove it with difficulty, nevertheless, I am he.
Phaedra, Pasiphaë’s daughter, having tried, vainly, to tempt me to dishonour my father’s bed, deflected guilt, and, (more through fear than anger at being rejected?), made out I had wanted what she wished, and so accused me. Not in the least deserving it, I was banished by my father from the city, and called down hostile curses on my head.
Exiled, I headed my chariot towards Troezen, Pittheus’s city, and was travelling the Isthmus, near Corinth, when the sea rose, and a huge mass of water shaped itself into a mountain, and seemed to grow, and give out bellowings, splitting at the summit: from it, a horned bull, emerged, out of the bursting waters, standing up to his chest in the gentle breeze, expelling quantities of seawater from his nostrils and gaping mouth. My companions’ hearts were troubled, but my mind stayed unshaken, preoccupied with thoughts of exile, when my fiery horses turned their necks towards the sea, and trembled, with ears pricked, disturbed by fear of the monster, and dragged the chariot, headlong, down the steep cliff.
I struggled, in vain, to control them with the foam-flecked reins, and leaning backwards, strained at the resistant thongs. Even then, the horses’ madness would not have exhausted my strength, if a wheel had not broken, and been wrenched off, as the axle hub, round which it revolves, struck a tree. I was thrown from the chariot, and, my body entangled in the reins, my sinews caught by the tree, you might have seen my living entrails dragged along, my limbs partly torn away, partly held fast, my bones snapped with a loud crack, and my weary spirit expiring: no part of my body recognisable: but all one wound. Now can you compare your tragedy, or dare you, nymph, with mine?
I saw, also, the kingdom without light, and bathed my lacerated body in Phlegethon’s waves: there still, if Apollo’s son, Aesculapius, had not restored me to life with his powerful cures. When, despite Dis’s anger, I regained it, by the power of herbs and Paean’s help, Cynthia, created a dense mist round me, so that I might not be seen and increase envy at the gift. And she added a look of age, and left me unrecognisable, so that I would be safe, and might be seen with impunity. She considered, for a while, whether to give me Crete or Delos to live in: abandoning Delos and Crete, she set me down here, and ordered me to discard my name that might remind me of horses, and said: “You, who were Hippolytus, be also, now, Virbius!” Since then I have lived in this grove, one of the minor deities, and sheltering in the divinity of Diana, my mistress, I am coupled with her.’
Egeria’s grief could not be lessened, even by the sufferings of others: prostrate, at the foot of a mountain, she melted away in tears, till Phoebus’s sister, out of pity for her true sorrow, made a cool fountain from her body, and reduced her limbs to unfailing waters.
cf. also Pasqualini, Anna. “Oreste nel Lazio: percorso della leggenda e funzioni del mito.” In Οὐ πᾶν ἐφήμερον: scritti in memoria di Roberto Pretagostini : offerti da colleghi, dottori e dottorandi di ricerca della Facoltà di Lettere e Filosofia, edited by Cecilia Braidotti, Emanuele Dettori and Eugenio Lanzillotta., 1091-1113. Roma: Quasar, 2009.
The myth of Orestes as the founder of the sanctuary at Aricia presents certain discrepancies across the various sources (Hyginus, Fab. 261—cited by Servius in his commentary ad Aen. 2.166, and revisited in 6.136; Pseudo-Probus, Commentarius in Verg. Buc. et Georg. 3; Schol. in Theocr. pp. 2–3 [Wendel 1914]; and Theon of Alexandria, pp. 13–22 [Wendel 1914]). As a symbol of the transition from a state of savagery to one of civilitas (civilization), the myth exemplifies the establishment at Nemi of a complex of motifs derived from diverse cultural matrices—most notably Cumae and Rhegium. Specifically, the sanctuary’s Scythian associations were juxtaposed with its Magna Graecian mythical heritage once the Romans came into contact with the actual geographical settings of the Iphigenia in Tauris. During the Augustan era, Orestes was subsequently exalted as the avenger of his father’s death—a status underscored by the ceremonial transfer of his remains from Ariccia to Rome; however, given that the myth itself characterized him as afflicted by madness, this choice was eventually abandoned in favor of the figure of Aeneas.
Romagnoli, Laura and Batocchioni, Guido. “Allestimenti e restauri di antichi luoghi sacri: un motivo di studio per la restituzione di un’immagine compiuta.” In Vestigia: miscellanea di studi storico-religiosi in onore di Filippo Coarelli nel suo 80° anniversario, edited by Valentino Gasparini. Potsdamer Altertumswissenschaftliche Beiträge; 55, 727-740. Stuttgart: Steiner, 2016.
The article imagines what it would take to restore the sanctuary of Diana at Nemi to be accessible and inspiring to visitors while accurating conveying and preserving archaeology.
Diosono, Francesca and Cinaglia, Tiziano. “Light on the water: ritual deposit of lamps in Lake Nemi.” Journal of Roman Archaeology 29, no. 1 (2016): 451-468. Doi: 10.1017/S104775940007224X
Following attempts beginning in Renaissance times, in 1927 the decision was taken to lower the level of Lake Nemi to the floor where the hulls of two ships belonging to Caligula lay, using pumps. These operations, conducted between 1928-1932, concluded in 1936 with the opening of the Museo Nazionale delle Navi Romane, where the ships were displayed. The ships were destroyed in 1944. But in addition to the materials belonging to the ships themselves, a number of other materials were gathered from the lake bed, including coins and bronze and terracotta objects. Lamps constitute the majority of these materials. The presence of nearly 250 lamps on the lake bed must be assumed to be due to a deliberate action that was repeated over time. The chronological span of almost all the lamps, from the middle of the 1st to the end of 2nd cent. A.D., is too long to argue for an isolated event. The different types and workshops represented also suggest that we are dealing with an act performed on numerous occasions, for each of which the materials were acquired on the retail market. That characteristic suggests that the lamps featured in an individual ritual practice, ending with their deposition on the waters of the lake.
I wonder if the lamps were the less common offering and torches were more usually thrown in the lake but do not remain for use to use as context.
Cinaglia, T. and T. Leone 2014. “Le lucerne,” in Nemi 2014, 499-520
Martínez-Pinna Nieto, Jorge. “Los santuarios federales latinos.” Revue Belge de Philologie et d’Histoire = Belgisch Tijdschrift voor Filologie en Geschiedenis 92, no. 1 (2014): 41-56. Doi: 10.3406/rbph.2014.8539 [open access]
Cf. Martínez-Pinna, Jorge. “Observaciones sobre el origen de le Liga Latina.” Mediterraneo Antico 15, no. 1-2 (2012): 409-423.
Coarelli, Filippo. “Da Nemi a Pesaro: la testa bronzea tardo-arcaica di Copenaghen.” In Hesperìa : studi sulla grecità di Occidente. 30, L’indagine e la rima : scritti per Lorenzo Braccesi, edited by Flavio Raviola, Maddalena Bassani, Andrea Debiasi and Elena Pastorio., 355-359. Roma: L’Erma di Bretschneider, 2013.
A new document is presented—a drawing of a head in profile bearing the concise caption “bronze head found in a river”—contained within a series of previously unpublished notes compiled by the Pesaro-based scholar and collector Annibale degli Abati Olivieri (18th century). This document makes it possible to rule out a Nemi origin for the late-Archaic bronze head now in Copenhagen and to propose instead that it originates from the territory of Pesaro—as is the case for the majority of objects listed in Olivieri’s catalogue. Furthermore, based on stylistic grounds, it is hypothesized that the head was produced in an Etruscan workshop on the Tyrrhenian coast—likely Cerveteri—around 500 BC, and that it represents a votive image of Hercules originally housed in an Archaic sanctuary within the Pesaro territory, associated with the Novilara culture.
Rigato, Daniela. “Tra « pietas » e magia: gemme e preziosi offerti alle divinità.” In Oggetti-simbolo: produzione, uso e significato nel mondo antico, edited by Isabella Baldini Lippolis and Anna Lina Morelli. Ornamenta; 3, 41-55. Bologna: Ante Quem, 2011.
Through the study of two epigraphic documents (CIL 14, 2215 from Nemi and CIL 2, 3386 from Guadix, Spain), he/she demonstrates that the practice of donating gems and precious stones to deities is not necessarily linked to magical or therapeutic meanings, but should instead be understood as a manifestation of pietas.
Moltesen, Mette. “Diana and her followers in a late republican temple pediment from Nemi: a preliminary note.” In From Artemis to Diana: the goddess of man and beast, edited by Tobias Fischer-Hansen and Birte Poulsen. Acta Hyperborea; 12, 345-367. Copenhagen: Museum Tusculanum Pr., 2009. [ILL requested. V eager to read.]
A terracotta torso of a woman in the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston (inv. 86, 692) belongs with a group of fragmentary terracotta figures in the Castle Museum, Nottingham (inv. nos. 189 ; 191 ; 192 ; 193 ; 194 ; 195 ; 199 ; 218). The figures are the same as those seen in photographs taken in 1885 during excavations in the sanctuary of Diana at Nemi by Sir John Savile Lumley (Rome, Deutsches Archäologisches Institut, negs. 4724 ; 4717). In all we have parts of at least 15 figures. They likely date to the second or third quarter of the 2nd cent. B.C. and were displayed in a temple pediment at the sanctuary of Diana in Nemi.
Holland, Lora L.. “« Diana feminarum tutela ? » :: the case of « noutrix Paperia ».” In Studies in Latin literature and Roman history. 14, edited by Carl Deroux. Collection Latomus; 315, 95-115. Bruxelles: Latomus, 2008. [pdf]
Inscription (AE 1896, 13 = CIL I², 45) on a bronze spearhead (Rome, Villa Giulia Museum, inv. 6754) discovered in the late 19th century at the Sanctuary of Diana at Lake Nemi, within an archaeological context containing anatomical votive objects—including breasts. Dating to approximately 300 BC, the dedication “Diana mereto / noutrix Paperia” was likely offered not by a slave, but by a freedwoman of the gens Papiria, where she served as a wet nurse. The absence of a cognomen aligns with the onomastic practices of the period. This role conferred significant social standing upon the woman who held it, empowering her to address the deity in her own name. The choice of a spearhead clearly demonstrates that this was by no means a petition pro lacte (for milk)—despite the votive objects discovered nearby—and that Diana is here regarded as the patroness of freedpersons and of those who assert agency over their own lives, rather than as the protectress of womanhood.
This reminds me I need to go through all the late 19th century NSc to find refs to Nemi.
D’Ambra, Eve. “Maidens and manhood in the worship of Diana at Nemi.” In Finding Persephone: women’s rituals in the ancient Mediterranean, edited by Maryline G. Parca and Angeliki Tzanetou. Studies in ancient folklore and popular culture, 228-251. Bloomington (Ind.): Indiana University Pr., 2007. [ILL requested]
Eleven Roman funerary portraits in sculpture and seven reliefs from the 1st-3rd cents. A.D. depict girls and young women in the guise of Diana, a goddess whose resistance to categories of gender and mature sexuality, as recent research on her sanctuary at Lake Nemi has demonstrated ( => 72-06976 and 74-14352) appealed to mourning parents. The goddess’ status as chaste maiden reflected the girls’ stage of life, but as huntress she also signified a heroic mode of representation or even virtus. Deceased girls were endowed with virtus in compensation for their untimely death.
Bilde, Pia Guldager and Moltesen, Mette. A catalogue of sculptures from the Sanctuary of Diana Nemorensis in the University of Pennsylvania Museum, Philadelphia. Analecta Romana Instituti Danici. Supplementum; 29. Roma: L’Erma di Bretschneider, 2002
I looked for a copy to buy but I think I’ll ILL as I’m not convinced it will be that useful over the long haul.
Pasqualini, Anna. “L’ incesto di Silano e il bosco di Diano: (Tac. Ann. 12.8.2).” Analecta Romana Instituti Danici, no. 27 (2001): 141-149.
On the day of his wedding to Agrippina, Claudius had rites performed in the lucus of Diana at Nemi to expiate the incest committed by L. Iunius Silanus and his sister. The Lucus Dianius is linked to a very ancient phase of Roman and Etruscan religion, to King Tullus Hostilius, and to the gentile social order. There, Diana and the goddess Egeria were venerated—both patronesses of fertility, women, and newborns.
Green, Carin M. C.. “The slayer and the king: « rex nemorensis » and the sanctuary of Diana.” Arion 3rd ser. 7, no. 3 (1999-2000): 24-63.
In Aen. 6, 136-141, the golden bough’s function as a talisman for Aeneas on his journey to the underworld and the connection between Augustus’ family and (Lake) Nemi, home to a renowned sanctuary of Diana, confirm Servius’ connection between the bough, the death of Misenus, and the ritual of the « rex nemorensis ». This native Italic cult, marked by mortal combat between a fugitive slave and a priest of Diana, offers Vergil a pattern that grounds the poem through a powerful Latin ritual that mirrors the conflict between Turnus and Aeneas for kingship. More generally, the ritual of the « rex nemorensis », by enacting the easily subverted relationship between hunter and hunted, ruler and slave, embodies the primitive, uncivilized, and ultimately unchanging core of kingship and power.
I guess I’m going to have to decide if I believe this rex nemorensis is a historical reality or just stuff Romans like Vergil like to imagine and think about.
“I have never doubted the greater elevation of Lake Nemi—or rather, Lake Genzano—relative to the other lake; this has been my conviction ever since October 1791, when, in the company of His Excellency Count D. Alessandro de Sousa Holstein—Minister Plenipotentiary of His Most Faithful Majesty to the Holy See—I examined the lake in minute detail. Traversing it in a small boat, I observed its modest Emissary, the supposed remains of the Temple of Diana Nemorensis situated along the lake’s lower edge, and the outlet where, just beyond, in the Ariccia valley, the water turns a grain millstone.
“I have also observed repeatedly—most recently on the 16th of this month, accompanied by local experts—that the spring which feeds Lake Albano must, by reasonable conjecture, lie beneath Palazzolo. It is situated in the direction of the high mountain peak from which, at specific elevations, the waters for the Albano and Castelli aqueducts are collected; yet, it is nowhere visible upon the lake’s surface, nor is there any sign of bubbling or agitation—the current simply flows directly and placidly toward the Emissary.
“Kircher notes that Lake Nemi possesses three visible springs, which he has marked in his copperplate engraving. Of these, the largest—which I have personally examined—is fully exposed beneath the town of Nemi; it cascades down with great force from a considerable height above the lake, and is so copious that, immediately upon reaching the bottom, it sets three grain mills in motion. From the point where these springs emerge down to the lake itself, there remains a notable difference in elevation. The water, having subsequently flowed through the aforementioned small Emissary into the Ariccia valley, turns the aforementioned millstone—which belongs to Genzano—from a proportionate height, requiring no artificial damming or diversion, unlike the mill powered by the Albano Emissary; furthermore, it serves to irrigate the valley itself. And finally, as it flows toward the sea, it assumes the renowned name of the River Numicus.” [Machine translation]
…
“A further argument compels me to reject the hypothesis of this connection—specifically, the notion that water flows from Lake Nemi into Lake Albano. This argument rests on the observation that the volume of water seen gushing into the former lake beneath Nemi is precisely equal to the volume flowing out into the Ariccia valley; in both locations, this water serves to power millwheels with equal force.
“Furthermore, if we take into account the mythological history of the Temple of Diana Taurica—also known as the Temple of Nemi—so renowned in antiquity and predating the very foundation of Rome (regardless of its original architectural form), one could never conceive that it was erected in the lowlands, on the lakeshore beneath Nemi and adjacent to the aforementioned spring—as was asserted by Argoli (1), Holstenius (2), Father Volpi (3), and other modern scholars—unless the Emissary had already been constructed. However, for these and various other local and historical reasons, I have conclusively demonstrated elsewhere (4) that the Temple was situated precisely where the town of Nemi stands today—a town that still retains its name, derived from the Latin word Nemus.”
This is a follow up to a post on RRC 486/1, all part of the larger recurrent theme of Nemi.
This representation of Diana (Artemis) feels important because it is the first time I’ve seen her with a child (in this case a cupid) leaning over her lap. It seems a good parallel for the three figure design on the pediment of the model temple found at Nemi (earlier post).Images from Naples Catalogue
The other intriguing thing. New to my eyes is this wavy radiate crown. It is even in the Iphigenia fresco and thus I’ve seen it many times before.
I should have also remembered the standing figure of Diana/Artemis in this fresco. Its raised arms are in a very similar position to those on reverse of RRC 486/1. Note also similarity in costume. The curious thing is that in almost all these statue depictions in fresco of Artemis she holds torches. And yet no torches are on the coin design. Also notice how Diana/Artemis in the sky has the same gesture as Agamemnon. Never noticed that before.
The radiate crown brought to mind, the head gear of the two figures adorning a statue of the palladion on my favorite Campana plaque, but I think it is likely a false connection.
Berlin examplefrom Habetzeder, Julia. (2012). Dancing with decorum The eclectic usage of kalathiskos dancers and pyrrhic dancers in Roman visual culture. Opuscula. Annual of the Swedish Institutes at Athens and Rome. 5. 7-47. 10.30549/opathrom-05-02. [pdf]
Liv Mariah Yarrow 
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