Adventures in Particle Physics

Many of you who read my blog know I’ve been planning and scheming to learn more about the interior of aes grave and hopefully say something useful about the ‘value’ of Rome’s first, and arguably most unusual, coins. You might even remember that I won a grant last year. That grant was to use negative muonic x-rays on a few pieces of aes grave excavated from the sanctuary of Diana at Nemi.

This will shock you but I had NO IDEA what I was getting myself into. Well, we’ve done our ‘beam time’ and I’m at Heathrow waiting for a flight to present on iconography at a conference focused on the Sertorian War. I finally have time to reflect on what I’ve just experienced and. it. is. a. lot.

Let’s start with the science and we’ll see if I can explain it a wee bit. Muons are rapidly decaying subatomic particles that can be produced in a particle accelerator. On the beam line the muons come off before the electrons. We then direct these muons towards an object controlling their momentum. That momentum determines how far into the object the muons penetrate. When they penetrate they briefly enter the atoms in the target object.

Imagine an atom. In your mind’s eye you might have a picture a little like a solar system with a sun being the protons in the nucleus and the planets being akin to the electrons. The ‘orbits’ a which the muon can orbit is determined by the nature of the atom itself. They are ‘caught’ extremely briefly in these fixed orbits and then when they decade, we can detect where they were in those atoms and thus what elements are present in the object. Obviously it isn’t one muon and a single decay event, but 100s of thousands that we read using a variety of detectors.

In our experiment we used germanium detectors. No, not the flower, geranium. Germanium, it turns out, is an element. A super sensitive and useful one at that. We had four detectors total. Two more sensitive, two less sensitive. Frankly, I ended up being very fond of the less sensitive as it was easier to understand the preliminary results. These detectors had to be cooled by super conductors. Electrically cooled superconductors can produce minor vibrations, and with muons this is a no no, so we used nitrogen cooled ones.

The whole experimental area where the muons hit the aes grave was tightly controlled with a locking system akin to a nuclear facility, all of which designed to ensure that no one is exposed to unnecessary radiation. Yet, the objects retain no radiation because of the speed of the decay. Super cool and far safer and more specific in the nature of the results form what one could get from neutron activation because we can control depth and targeting.

After setting up the experiment, we then monitored and controlled it from a room on the floor above. The key aspects of our work in the control room was setting the momentum and detune (basically weakening) of the beam, setting the solenoid necessary to achieve the momentum, and then monitoring and recording the data. This room had a window on to racks and racks of computer equipment all working at a fever pitch. Next to these racks was the very exciting Solenoid control unit which looked like something out of Star Trek (the original series) and perhaps almost as old. The dial for changing the numbers was analogue and the buttons made that satisfying physical click.

We’d enter our best estimate of the momentum (based on previous modeling) to look at our desired depth within the aes grave and try a detune to help the beam reach that point without overwhelming the germanium sensors. A program would then tell us where to set the solenoid to achieve the momentum and we’d monitor incoming data to see if the detune was sufficient and adjust accordingly.

Yes, I did all of this. Even solo. Sometimes in the wee hours of the night. The experiments run 24-7 as long as the beam is in action. Of course there are hiccups. The beam goes down. The computer systems fail. The cloud cannot be accessed. But overall it worked and we learned SO MUCH.

I’m most shocked I could be trained to do this work and understand something of what I was doing. Like many non-scientists I think of experiments as ‘measurements’. Measurements are what we do with well established methodologies: the ruler, the scale, even a scanning electron microscope. An experiment is taking a new technology and seeing if it can accomplish a new task and studying that process so that one can refine the technology and achieve better, consistent results.

I’m a little embarrassed to say I thought of negative muonic x-rays as a bit of a magic black box for measurement, instead of properly realizing I was partnering with a team led by one of the foremost developers of this technique. These experiments are integral to determining how the technique can be refined and improved. Of course, we got data and I’m excited to share as we clean and analyze, but this is not a simply pXRF. There are only two muonic facilities open to outside users in the world (ISIS in the UK where I was, and another in Japan), there are two more at least one of which will become open to outside users in the new future. The very software to analyze the data we captured was being developed in the same control room by other members of the team.

I’m overawed by this opportunity. It was worth every hour of lost sleep, every scrounging of travel funds, all the stressing over insurance for the objects, the negotiations, the writing, all of it. I saw into a world and a technology that can absolutely transform our collective future in ways far more meaningful than anything I can say about the past. I met brilliant scientists and (over?)dedicated support technologists, all of whom were beyond kind and humble. Frankly I feel I failed to understand the genius at work as I expected it to enter the room proclaiming its own worth rather than reaching out a hand to offer me and my historical questions a little help.

Here are some snapshots. I have lots of explanatory videos but they need editing and stitching into a whole to make a coherent story.

Excited to be in the experiment hall.

Panthers and Bulls, Stags and Wolves…

We know after metallurgical testing of the Orleans team under A. Suspene that Italia Historia Nummorum Italy 406, the Social War gold coin in Paris BnF is likely genuine, even as its types derive from the coin types of Amisos.

What I didn’t realize is that Amisos also produced with the same reverse a delicious type of a panther on top of a stag.

I am strongly reminded of another Social War coin, HN Italy 427. Notice the curve of the tail and how both panther and bull look out at the audience.

And less so but also Caesar’s Elephant and Snake (RRC 443/1), I think here is is how the stag on the Amisos coin blends with the the exergue line like the snake.

Others may have already explored these ideas, like everything on the blog. It is just an idea I’d like to return to as I’m able.

Phalarae

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Image source – Beneventum
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While most phalera seem to be circular and displayed on a 3 by 3 grid of straps this doesn’t seem to be a hard fast rule and variations in shape of the individual phalera are possible.

RRC 412/1 control mark pair 68 BM Specimen

I”m inclined to see the reverse symbol as a single phalera. and obverse as a dona militia, a display of phalerae

Echoes of the Social War

I was looking for something else (isn’t that how all good blog posts start?!)…

And I came across this intriguing inscription from Rieti. An honorific statue base it seems. Even if you don’t love all the reconstructions (I have no reason to doubt them but it is best to make historic arguments from what one actually reads), the surviving portions are startling and the spelling variations a good reminder that even in the mid 1st century Latin could be very flexible.

In the photo above (I wish I had a better one!) the double AA in in ROMAANI is visible as is the key phrase

LIBERTAST ITALIA !

Database link

Bibliography: CIL 09, 08644 = Falacrinae p 18 = Epigrafia-01, p 81 = AE 2008, 00473 = Arys-2021-152

When looking for a better photograph I came across this lovely perhaps overly interpreted roof tile:

Image from D. Diffendale’s flickr

The image might be an upside down bull, it might be a helmet. Either way I’m not sure we can associate it with the Social War though Oscan language use does tend to end with the war.

Sertorian Hoards. A starting place?

I’ve been using Lockyear’s CHRR to access hoard information, but even he says the online database is not necessarily complete in all areas and he’s collected far more hoards since 2013. The database also excluded lots of the early hoard with Aes Grave as that was not part of his original project. All in all it is a good starting place but more thorough searches are needed. Yes, this is another spin out from my Sertorian mega post of which I ready to be done. I think I have enough material for my conference talk and shape of that talk has come to mind. I want to stay in my lane (RR coinage) rather than sliding into Iberian material and looking the fool. Anyway, I’m almost the bottom of review of past scholarship and this turned up in my l’Annee Philologique search reminding me that CHRR might not be great on Spanish hoards esp. small ones.

  • Padilla Arroba, Ángel and Hinojosa Pareja, Antonio Ramón. “Tesorillo de denarios republicanos de Sierra Capitán (Almogía, Málaga).” Florentia Iliberritana 8 (1997): 679-703. [full text available through google scholar]

The authors report on group of 24 denarii closing 82 BCE they interpret as a purse hoard lost or rapidly deposited in a organic material container now lost. They comment on the incredible vantage point offered by the findspot. It feels rare to be given this precise of geographic coordinates, but super valuable. The hoard was likely deposited in a crevice where a few coins were found the rest had tumbled down the cliff face and were found amongst the rock rubble caused by erosion.

The coins were recovered by a private individual and are in private hands and we cannot be sure 24 is the true total number. (p.681)

The authors see parallels with the Mahalimán hoard (Constantina, Seville), published by F. Chaves in her monumental work:

  • Chaves Tristán, Francisca. 1996. Los Tesoros En El Sur de Hispania : Conjuntos de Denarios Y Objetos de Plata Durante Los Siglos II Y I a.C. [Seville]: Fundación El Monte.

I could probably do with spending some time not just with this book but her whole corpus at the ANS.

The authors were not able to see non-numismatic material that comprised the hoard

“Finally, it should be noted that alongside the coins, some silver fragments were found, in the form of fine sheets in some cases and tubular shapes in others. Although we have not been able to observe them directly, they must resemble those that are commonly found in this type of hoard.” [machine translation]

Finalmente, hay que señalar que junto a las monedas aparecieron algunos fragmentos de plata, en forma de finas láminas unos y de forma tubular otros que, aunque no hemos podido observarlos directamente, deben, aproximarse a los que suelen ser frecuentes en este tipo de depósitos.

The catalogue is complete with notes on contitions of individual specimens, die axis, and control marks (where present).

P. 693-694

In the discussion after the catalogue the authors try to reconcile Villaronga’s emphasis on war as a cause for hoard deposits generally and Chaves view that the Sertorian war did not see any great uptick in hoarding esp. considering the great number recovered from the second century.

The same year as the above article this survey article was published:

Ruivo, José. “O conflito sertoriano no ocidente hispânico: o testemunho dos tesouros monetários.” Archivo Español de Arqueología 70, no. 175-176 (1997): 91-100. [ full text available through google scholar]

This article is super important because the author takes into consideration the arguments of the Hersh and Walker regarding dating.

The article concludes:

“The relative abundance of Sertorian hoards in this western strip of the Iberian Peninsula seems to show that this region played a quite important role, until recently unsuspected, in the final stage of the civil war between the populares and the aristocrats.” [machine translation]

Virginal Blood? Anna Perenna again.

This is is another spin out of my mega Sertorian post with running notes. One pair of modern Spanish authors revived the Anna Perenna interpretation of RRC 366‘s obverse – on which I lean strongly towards Aequitas (links to recent post). AND, There is a whole edited volume on Anna Perenna with a chapter on these coins.

Ramsby, Teresa. 2019. “Ovid’s Anna Perenna and the Coin of Gaius Annius.” In Gwynaeth McIntyre, and Sarah McCallum (eds.), Uncovering Anna Perenna, 113–24. Bloomsbury. https://doi.org/10.5040/9781350048461.ch-007. [chapter ILL requested – book purchased but delayed delivery.]

While I wait to read more secondary scholarship here are some initial thoughts based primary evidence.

Generally speaking, I see a few strains running though our literary testimony, etymological and calendarical, i.e. antiquarian (Macrobius, Ovid), and allusions to actual ritual, cult practice (Ovid, Martial). My take away is that there was no fixed learned explanation for this deity but her cult was of significant. This is supported by the EXTENSIVE epigraphic and archaeological evidence from her shrine now kept and published in the catalogue of the collections of the Baths of Diocletian in Rome (book on my desk in Brooklyn, kicking myself now for not bringing it home for the winter break).

I tend to put little weight on the antiquarian tradition given that we know this was female centered festival of disputed origins ready for appropriation into whatever narrative was convenient to the elite male author. As I keep reading I’m v curious if I will find anything interpreting the the blood as menstrual rather than hymen breaking. I also feel it is far safer to interpret the goddess based on cult practice attested by material remains that clever literary representations, boring I know.

Literary Sources.

Macrobius.

And in the same month both public and private sacrifice is offered to Anna Perenna, so that we might prosperously pass the year [annare] and many years thereafter [perennare]. [Sat. 1.6; Loeb trans.]

Macrobius clearly derives from Ovid.

And to my thinking no small proof that the years of old began with March is furnished by the observation that Anna Perenna begins to be worshipped in this month. With March, too, the magistrates are recorded to have entered on office, down to the time when, faithless Carthaginian, thou didst wage thy war. Lastly, the month of Quintilis is the fifth (quintus) month, reckoned from March, and with it begin the months which take their names from numbers. [Ovid, Fasti, 3.145]

Ovid’s primary narrative makes Anna Dido’s sister, who then becomes a local nymph (cf. Vergil and Silius Italicus, both get chapters in above mentioned edited volume) and a clever alternate etymology before he nods to the many other explanations that exist:

placidi sum nympha Numici: amne perenne latens Anna Perenna vocor.”

“I am a nymph of the calm Numicius. In a perennial river I hide, and Anna Perenna is my name.” [Ovid, Fasti, 3.653-4; Loeb trans.]

… Some think that this goddess is the moon, because the moon fills up the measure of the year (annus) by her months; others deem that she is Themis; others suppose that she is the Inachian cow. You shall find some to say that thou, Anna, art a nymph, daughter of Azan, and that thou didst give Jupiter his first food. [Ovid, Fasti, 657-660; Loeb trans.]

Besides these diverse explanations Ovid also mentions the story of a poor old woman who fed the plebs when they retreated to the Sacred Mount. He goes on to explain the ribald songs sung at here festival by young women by a story of her tricking Gavidius (who is aligned with Mars) into thinking she is Minerva whom he wants to wed and thus pleasing Venus. I take the songs to be actual cult practice and link it to Martial’s allusion.

Martial IV.64.16-17 reading with

Moreno Soldevila, Rosario. 2006. Martial, Book IV : A Commentary. Boston: BRILL. [ebook available through my library]

Taylor on Money, warfare and power

I’m indebted to David Emery for making sure I saw Michael Taylor’s excellent and useful BMCR review of

Jeremy Armstrong, Arthur J. Pomeroy, David Rosenbloom, Money, warfare and power in the ancient world: studies in honour of Matthew Freeman Trundle. Bloomsbury classical studies monographs. London; New York: Bloomsbury Academic, 2024. Pp. xviii, 286. ISBN 9781350283763.

Readers of this blog (AND ME) will be very interested in four of the chapters:

I”m going to have to choose carefully which chapters to ILL in which order. I can’t quite justify the volume cost of HB and I’m not sure I want to wait to July to read these when the PB is released….