La Bruna Hoard (CHRR 16)

Complete Original Publication

PDF extract of just Milani’s text and plates

Some taster images so you can understand my excitement!

[Update 27-7-23: There are also nice photos of bars in Berlin in the 1888 catalogue!]

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He also records weights and tons over other details.  Gotta get in to the Italian so I can learn more about the horse bones and context of discovery.  Updates as I read are likely.  Mostly I decided to start digging when I read this in Bradley:

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I don’t believe these bars date to the Pyrrhic wars and I think we need to revisit a connection with the settlement of Spoletium as a colony post-1st Punic War….

Updated RRC 13 map

RRC13 map

Stuff that makes my map look different from other maps:

  • Gattiola “find” was an error in reporting, same as Romito Pozzuolo finds
  • Campobasso numbers are not consistently reported: at least two likely from general region seems responsible
  • It seems likely Fallani is part of Campania (?) and since we don’t have an actual count I just increased my dot size.

I am coming round to a date c. 295, but feel this does not mean we ought to completely throw out a connection–at least in terms of distribution, if not the actual impetus to strike–with the via Appia.

Like Bernard 2018: 153 (fig. 5.4), I’m relying on Vitale 1998 (if you need a PDF scan of the catalogue, happy to share with colleagues) and Burnett and Molinari 2015.

Likely Findspot number of specimens GPS coordinates used
Baselice 1 41.4, 14.966667
Benevento 1 41.133333, 14.783333
Campania (?), may be higher number if Fallani is part of this 4+ 41.105556, 14.213889
Campobasso (x 2) 2 or 3 41.566667, 14.666667
Foggia 1 41.464167, 15.546111
Romito Pozzuolo 1 43.121389, 11.955833
Mesange 2 40.566667, 17.8
Oppido Lucano 1 40.762849, 15.98752
Ponte Gini di Orentano 2 43.778889, 10.661944
Rocca S. Felice (Irpino) 1 40.95, 15.166667
Rossano di Vaglio 1 40.686241, 15.938469
S. Chirco Nuovo 4 40.683333, 16.083333
S. Giorgio Ionico 6 40.45, 17.366667
S. Maria C.V. 2 41.083333, 14.25
San Martino in Pensilis 3 41.866667, 15.016667
Sulmona 1 42.046817, 13.925673
Taranto 1 40.4709405, 17.2371455
Teano 2 41.2502785, 14.0700745
Torchiarolo 1 40.483333, 18.05
Valesio 2 40.512187, 18.034033
Vaste 2 40.050815, 18.3872637
Timmari 1 40.655278, 16.475833
M. Marzo (Sicily) 1 Not included
La Palma (Spain)
1 Not included

Also not shown:

Spain: J. Noguera, ‘La Palma – Nova Classis. A Publius Cornelius Scipio Africanus encampment during the Second Punic War in Iberia,’ Madrider Mitteilungen 53 (2012), 262-86 (I also didn’t map it).

A Poet’s Patron?

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Would it change how we thought about the career of Marcus Valerius Messalla, suff. cos. 32 BCE and patron of Tibullus if he happened as a young man to have made such an anti regal coin (RRC 435/1)?  Messalla the patron and suffect consul was famously republican in character: it would be nice to have this as ‘proof’ of his early and outspoken leanings in that direction.

Old post on symbolism

Syme thought they could be the same person (JRS 1995: 157), Crawford allowed it:

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The Digital Prosopography of the Roman Republic notes it but does not take it as fact.

Wikipedia gives a nice summary of the man but takes it as fact his father was cos. of 61 BCE, only noting that there are other suggestions.

Tarpeia, comparative Etruscan iconography

This cinerary urn from the Copenhagen Glyptotek got me thinking:

The catalogue interpretation is that is a variation of the fatal duel with spirit as judge, usually taken to be Eteocles and Polynices. That type is common enough (see image below), but this dual sarcophagus seems to show a different narrative (as catalogue notes) notice beard vs. beardless and all the different head gear.

However that spirit coming from the Rocks in that top picture sure looks a lot like Tarpeia in some depictions….

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Just be clear I don’t think the winged figure is Tarpeia but she and her ilk may be the model for Tarpeia iconography. I think it is likely given the snake with the winged central figure that she is a spirit of a particular place.

4 July 2021:

This intaglio also has that same design feel.  Torso emerging from rocks or shields

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Republican Silverware Weights

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This hoard of silver is Tivoli and thought to be late republican in date.

You can go see it in the Met in NYC.

My interest (today) is in the reported weights and the inscriptions on one of the two cups and the ladle as reported in:

Oliver, Andrew Jr. 1965. “Two Hoards of Republican Silver.” Bulletin of the Metropolitan Museum of Art, 23(5): pp. 176–77.

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So if we do some math and are a little less sure that Roman pound was 327 grams exactly this is what the objects tell us about the ball park of the Roman pound.

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I don’t know how much is likely to be worn away from polishing or chemical reactions over time.  Both factors.  Another factor is I’m not so sure on the resolution of the number II P(ondo) seems clear but then I see IIS (2.5?) and then four dots follows by SC VII.  Not sure how IIS plus for dots = 11 ounces….

The precision must be performative, not just ‘theft’ prevention.  (We don’t see shaving of coins in the republic or Roman world generally).  I’m guessing these pieces may have been part of dowry for which an exact value was recorded and that the recording of the weight on the object is part of the performance of the fulfillment of that obligation.

The pitcher (oinochoe) from the Arcisate Treasure is also thought to be Campanian manufacture and 1st Cent BCE and also has a woman’s name.  It’s 350 grams and claims to be precisely a pound (BM 1900,0730.4):

Another that is hard to transcribe:

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Bibliography on other silverware with weight inscriptions

Late antique plate in Getty with large disparity between inscribed weight and reconstructed weight.

This MET mirror (Campania?  1st Cent AD?) is supposed to have a weight and owner’s name inscription, but I cannot see it…, ILL-ed Bibliography…

Q. Iunius Rusticus’ Weight (and friends)

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Exhibition Catalogue write up

Some smart tweets from Gareth Harney

So I would LOVE to see Zilberstein and Ben-Efraim’s method of reconstructing original mass applied to this object.

It’s a 10 pound weight from Rome with the name of a well known historical figure that can be dated with in a decade or so.  Balsalt also is far more stable than most other materials so if we can determine its original volume and then mass we’d have a very good idea about what the official pound weighed in Rome at this time!

It is in the Allard Pierson Museum, University of Amsterdam


BM 1966,0328.18 seems to claim that it is an “official” weight from the Temple of Opes (Wealth), but if so it would give a very heavy pound indeed, 356.8g!

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Some bibliography on weights

A long time ago I wrote this in a draft of the book that has now been superseded by a very different version (without any real discussion beyond a footnote about the pound…word limits and all):

“Duncan-Jones uses the figure 322.8g for the Roman pound based solely on weights in the Naples collection.[1]  Other estimates are more wide ranging and often higher.  Crawford surveyed various estimates noting their different source materials – coins, stone weights, balances, metal weights – and in the end used c. 324g, with the caveat that it was not reasonable to assume “that the Romans were able to maintain the weight of their pound absolutely constant, at all times and in all places”.[2]  He conceptualizes the target weight standards for the precious metal coins as fractions of the Roman pound, 6 scruples for the didrachm, 4 scruples for the early denarius, sometimes falling to 3 scruples.[3]  A scruple was a fractional measure, 288 scruples in a pound, 24 in an uncia or ‘ounce’.[4]   One finds other scholars using other figures sometimes with no particular justification; so for instance, Heinrichs uses c. 327g without further comment in his discussion of Gratidianus’ reforms of 85/84 BC, a figure common enough in Late Roman and Byzantine studies.[5]

[1] Duncan-Jones 1994: 214-215; 1995: 110.

[2] Crawford 1974: 591.

[3] Crawford 1974: 3, 7, 11, and 34.

[4] The same vocabulary of was used by Romans to also discuss small divisions of land and time, so a scruple could also be 1/288th of a iugerum or 1/24th of an hour as well.

[5] Heinrichs 2008: 265-6; cf. Entwistle 2008: 39″

This morning I’m worrying again about want we can know or not know about the Roman pound and other weight standards in antiquity.  Riggsby does not concern himself with reconstruction of the weights itself but instead with how Romans thought about weights, which lends itself to very much to an idea about the futility of a search for a universal standard (2018: chapter 3).

I  also have some older posts on weights here on this blog.

All I really want to do in this post is record new stuff that might be relevant to a future write up on the topic.

Stone weights from Jerusalem! Not useful for ‘reconstructing’ the Roman pound, but certainly very useful for thinking about standardization in a community that had a cultural habit of regularly weighing.  Also what is the whole unit?  what are its standard fractions and multiples?  Along with linked article which is newer also:

Reich, Ronny. “The distribution of stone scale weights from the Early Roman Period and its possible meaning.” Israel exploration journal 59, no. 2 (2009): 175-184.

Abstract: In Jerusalem were discovered 525 measuring weights, which date from the 1st century BC and 1st century AD The study of 168 of them, in stone, reveals that Jerusalem is the main city of this region to include so many (elsewhere, they are metal), and they are concentrated in the private houses of the Temple district and in the residential area of the upper town. Although these weights could be used to weigh certain foods (eg meat), their usefulness was not primarily commercial but religious: it was a matter of weighing a tithe of food, offered by each household to the priest’s family.

Gill, David W. J.. “Inscribed silver plate from tomb II at Vergina.” Hesperia 77, no. 2 (2008): 335-358.

Abstract: Five items of silver plate from tomb II at Vergina are inscribed with their ancient weights. The inscriptions, using the acrophonic and alphabetic systems, suggest that the pieces were made to a drachma weight of ca. 4.2 g. This weight of drachma was introduced to Macedonia by Alexander the Great and does not appear to have been used by Philip II. The inscriptions on the silver add to the cumulative evidence provided by the cremated remains, black-gloss saltcellars, and iconography of the lion-hunt frieze, that tomb II was the final resting place not of Philip II, but of Philip III Arrhidaios and Adea Eurydike.

[Riggsby has a good discussion on why donatives/votives might have custom of precise weights recorded on them so that the divine or dead receiver not be ‘cheated’ of any of their fair portion. Good thematic connection with interpretation of Jerusalem weights, re: precision being about religious/pious scruples, pun intended.]

Hadad, Shulamit. “Weights from the Early Roman period at Ramat Hanadiv.” Israel exploration journal 57, no. 2 (2007): 208-210.

Abstract: Publishes seven lead and copper alloy weights from excavations of 2000-2004, of ill defined context but datable of the 1st century. 1st-1st century AD. AD according to the associated ceramic and glass. A weight of 28 g carries the Greek letter H, 8 (drachmas) = 30 g.

[Inscription is interesting, but assumption we know what  8 drachmas were ‘supposed’ to weigh seems ill founded.]

Alberti, Maria Emanuela, ed. Weights in context: Bronze Age weighing systems of Eastern Mediterranean : chronology, typology, material and archaeological contexts : proceedings of the international colloquium : Roma, 22nd-24th November 2004. Studi e Materiali; 13. Roma: Istituto Italiano di Numismatica, 2007.

From Weingarten’s AJAonline review the following jumps out at me:

“In Egypt there are no secure weights before the Fourth Dynasty, and most early weights are squared stones; the Old Kingdom Gold Deben (13.6–13.9 g) fluctuates by as much as ±7%.”

“While the main local unit at Ebla was the 7.8 g shekel at 60 units to the mina, Ascalone and Peyronel (49–70) demonstrate, from in situ weights in Royal Palace G, that units based on 50 and 40 shekels were also found—sometimes all three in the same room (L 3532).”

“Two weights from the cella of Temple N (dedicated to the sun-god Shamash?) suggest that the words “weight of Shamash” symbolically indicate a “correct” standard of measure with concomitant concepts of justice and rectitude.”

Mari during Zimri Lim’s reign: “Although based on the same unit, documents distinguish “weights of the king’s office” from “weights of the market.” The “weight of the city of Karkemish” is also mentioned, as is a set of weights belonging to a man named Burqân, who witnessed loans between merchants.”

Thera: “one large cone marked with a circle—the sign of an Egyptian deben—weighs 91 g, exactly a deben”

“An Old Babylonian copy of a Sumerian law attributed to Ur-Nammu, first king of the Ur III, boasts, “I standardized weight stones from the pure one shekel weight to the one mina weight.” Such standards were probably placed in the temple of Nanna in Ur; a number of inscribed weight stones were dedicated in this and other temples.”

Crete: “More than 100 copper ingot fragments from the artisans’ quarter suggest intentional division into Minoan fractions.”

[Again there is a tension between the seeking of precise standards and the observed variation.  More interesting than the modern interpretations of the variations are the ancient ways of dealing with the samevariation (i.e. identifying weights themselves and location, religious ‘guarantees’, regal posts of standardization… The last quote in bold may be good comparative evidence for aes rude.]

De Zwarte, Ruud. “On the use of the balance as a device for measuring commodities and the accuracy of ancient weighing.” Talanta  26-27 (1995): 89-139.

Abstract: An attempt is made to rectify the wide-spread misunderstanding regarding the adjustment of ancient weights and to demonstrate that a basic principle of mass measuring was already known in various parts of the world millenniums before our era.

This article on early Islamic weights is very certain about c. 324 based on weight of water volume in Byzantine times:

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[I will have to chase footnotes to find primary evidence; all the citations are too secondary literature.]

Steelyards are another means for finding local weight standards (link to article)

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[Use of Michon as authority on ‘true’ weight of Roman pound is interesting… This number corresponds to Crawford’s highest quoted weight (1974: 591) and derives from the weighing of coins by Boeckh 1838.]

 

The Quadrigatus, Coarelli, and the “Scuola Inglese”

If you, like me, find the continuing scholarly conflicts over the dating of the quadrigatus a little confusing, I would like to recommend to you the following:

Bernard’s NC 2017 Review Article

It revisits not only

F. Coarelli’s Argentum Signatum Le origini della moneta d’argento a Roma (Rome, Istituto italiano di numismatica, 2013).
But also subsequent steps in the debate esp.
A.M. Burnett and M.H. Crawford, ‘Coinage, money and mid-Republican Rome. Reflections on a recent book by Filippo Coarelli’, AIIN  60 (2014), pp. 231-65
F. Coarelli, ‘Risposta a A.M. Burnett e a M.H. Crawford’, AIIN 60 (2014),  pp. 267-89.
On the interpretation of Janus iconography as reviewed by Bernard I would add:
BUT physical evidence should be given far more weight than iconography in dating.  Key points of the debate RE physical evidence:
  • How do you interpret two hoards from Selinunte (RRCH 58 and 61) in light of its destruction in 250 BCE?
  • And how does one interpret the Kerkouane single find in light of its destruction in
  • 256 BCE?

Bernard notes that interpretation depends on pre-supposition of scholars.  In the later case he emphasizes “a large cache of late Roman lamps near the sanctuary in which the quadrigatus was found” (p. 504 n. 8)

Key scholarship to which Bernard points includes:

On down-dating of RRC 22/1 to no earlier than 245 BCE: 
A.M. Burnett and A. McCabe, ‘An early Roman struck bronze with a helmeted goddess and an eagle’, in L. Sole and S. Tusa, eds,  Nomismata, Studi di numismatica antica offerti ad Aldina Cutroni Tusa per il suo novantatreesimo compleanno (Ragusa, 2016), pp. 238-74.
On the minting of Quadrigati in Spain and Apulia:
P. Debernardi and O. Legrand, ‘Roman Republican silver coins of the Quadrigatus Period struck in Spain’, RBN 161 (2015), pp. 273-92
P. Debernardi, ‘I quadrigati apuli’,  Notiziario del Portale Numismatico dello Stato 8 (2016), pp. 94-117.
On the use of Spanish silver to strike quadrigati, including the early type found in RRCH 58:
F. Albarède, J. Blichert-Toft, M. Rivoal, and P. Telouk, ‘A glimpse into the Roman finances of the Second Punic Was through silver isotopes’, Geochemical Perspective Letters 2 (2016), pp. 127-37.
On Roman use of Spanish Silver in Historical Context:
C. Rowan, ‘The profits of war and cultural capital: silver and society in Republican Rome’,  Historia 62.3 (2013), pp. 361-86
He also maps hoards containing one or more quadrigati, evidence on which Coarelli is very pessimistic (cf. Coarelli, ‘Risposta’, pp. 268-9, full ref. above):
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He interprets this distribution as follows (p. 508):
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Bernard goes on to review  mid-third century hoards from which quadrigati are absent BUT with otherwise contain Roman coins (Basilicata 1860, San Martino in Pensilis, Ponte Gini near Gattaiola [a scatter hoard], Nora; p. 509-510).
p. 510-513 reviews historical context of 3rd century and Roman coinage, a topic on which Bernard has much expertise and has published widely, see his book and JRS 2018 article.

A Highly Precise Set of Weights

Things to notice regarding this Praeneste find from 1907 excavations:

Q – likely stands for Quaestor as on coins

The per ‘pound’ basis of each ‘denomination’ is as follows:

X – 327.4

V – 327.4

III – 327.433

II – 327.45

… – 327.44

.. – 328.5

. – 328.44

The basalt is much more resistant to corrosion than similar metal weights.

Location of Piazza in relationship to sanctuary:

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View of back of cathedral from sanctuary of Fortuna, again to show relationship of find spot to sanctuary.

https://assets.atlasobscura.com/media/W1siZiIsInVwbG9hZHMvcGxhY2VfaW1hZ2VzL2U1NGVlMTI0LTZkZTEtNDIyYy1hZGZhLTk3NjIwNjc0ZWVjZGZmN2M1YTA0ZjZmMzNiZWM3NF9QYWxlc3RyaW5hQXRsYXNPYnNjdXJhICg0IG9mIDExKS5qcGciXSxbInAiLCJ0aHVtYiIsIngzOTA-Il0sWyJwIiwiY29udmVydCIsIi1xdWFsaXR5IDgxIC1hdXRvLW9yaWVudCJdXQ/PalestrinaAtlasObscura%20%284%20of%2011%29.jpg

View the other direction.  Note shadow of cathedral bell tower to orientate yourself:

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